Due to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the percentage of highly migratory military kids has sharply risen in recent years. These kids transfer between schools rather frequently and occasionally from one region to another several times throughout their academic careers. Despite the many movements they make, highly mobile army children are typically resilient and quickly acclimate to their new place. Leaders in the army and education must be mindful of the difficulties that the kids deal with to take action to guarantee that these kids get the help they must be successful in school. Military kids may require help finding friends and adapting to grappling with the hardship of their families' deployments and adjusting to new school surroundings. Military leaders and educators should work together to support these children and their families. The foundations of attribution theory are discussed next, along with how these ideas might relate to those raised in the army. The relevance of recent adult attachment studies to the existing population will be examined. Finally, the study's assumptions will be described. cultural homelessness, self-esteem, and cross-cultural identities

Formative experiences are crucial for solidifying identity formation and cultural affiliation, mainly associating with regional, ethnic, and racial groupings. Children learn essential social norms and behaviors necessary for surviving in their cultural setting as they develop their understanding of the world surrounding them. However, suppose there is conflicting evidence about one's cultural affiliation, such as from inter perceptions, a culturally diverse environment, or being born into a multiethnic or biracial family. In that case, a person may find it challenging to develop a sole cultural, ethnic, or racial identity. Children are increasingly exposed to various cultural surroundings during their formative years as future trends toward internationalization increase, especially as intercontinental movements become more regular and farther away.

The inspiration to belong to a new organization in the new nation may result in shifts in the person's self in an exertion to be more assimilated into new social classes and establish ethnic membership in that new place, as can be noticed with immigrants, refugees, as well as sojourners. Individuals who go through cross-cultural geological movements may find that behavior patterns that were culturally acceptable in one setting may not be acknowledged in a new nation or culture.

Most young individuals can readily answer the query of their origins. They discuss their hometown or the region of the world in which they were raised. However, this is not a simple question for everyone. Although the term third-culture kids is unfamiliar to many human resources (HRD) experts, the idea is conveyed when somebody says, he or she was an Army brat, or he was a missionary's child. This often indicates that the person was internationally mobile, resided in at least two distinct nations, and was not wholly a part of any culture. Children that travel with their families and spend a sizable amount of their formative years in several cultures are referred to as third-culture kids (TCKs) compared to their national culture. TCKs integrate elements of their cultural roots and the mass society, creating a new ethnic heritage that imitates all of their activities deprived of feeling they are exclusively a part of one culture. These young adults give opportunities and difficulties for Hr specialists as they grow up and enter advanced learning and the workforce.

TCKs are frequently divided into four groups depending on the causes their parents travel frequently. The kids of military personnel come first, followed by those of diplomats, those whose parents are working overseas, and those whose paternities are involved in campaigner or charitable work. Further subgroups, including media spokespeople and technical help workers, were included by Van Reken and Bethel (2005). Pollock (2001) discovered that while each grouping exhibits different types in relations of duration of residency, degree of engagement with the native customs, and level of experience to Western values, shared experiences include: an affluent existence compared to several local people; being different physically from the others around them; expecting to return to young parents' native countries, and having a systemic identity linked to the greater good represented by the sponsored agency's principles (Fail et al., 2004).

In contrast to the cross-cultural aspects of their childhood, Hervey (2009, 3) observed that TCKs also experience change as an ironic constant due to changes made by their own relatives and those around them. Because of these shared memories, scholars can discuss TCKs in a cultural context. According to Pollock and Van Recken (2001), "the sense of identity is about individuals of similar origin" for several TCKs (Fail et al., 2004). The US Secretary of State also noted that third-culture children felt most at the residence in the third culture they had formed and did not feel like they belonged in their passport nation when they returned.

What Becomes of America’s Military Brats?

Children of service personnel have been referred to as military brats throughout decades of armed conflict. This term transcends color, religion, age, military organization, and parental status, and it isolates military children into a unique subculture characterized by hardship and devotion (Sullivan et al., 2019). Many of our early recollections are similar to those of other army kids: moving boxes everywhere, buying everything from groceries to clothes at the base exchange, keeping a globe atlas on the side table, and having problems identifying our origins.

Children of military parents who are deployed must also deal with stress. Despite the high levels of resilience displayed by military families, military children may experience significant stress due to the cycle of deployment order to prepare, separation at the beginning of the placement, and maintaining routines during implementation, reunion, and post-deployment reunification. Resilience might deteriorate over time following several deployments (Grymonprez, 2021). Recent studies show that military kids experience more mental and behavioral issues than their civilian counterparts, especially during deployment.

Many military brats enroll in postsecondary learning institutions for the first time across the country. However, little is known about how this can affect how they adapt to colleges (Grymonprez, 2021). Army brats might have more knowledge going to transition because they have been moved around more frequently throughout their lives. However, the transition to college is different because it usually entails being away from home and lacks the tools and structure that military brats frequently benefit from in terms of a structured military community. According to current higher education studies, numerous student countercultures are believed to exist on college campuses, especially at prominent institutions.

According to research, even when sub-cultures do not align with the more prominent public college, they may support one another in their groups (Mmari et al., 2010). There is not much evidence to suggest that this is true for military brats. Hundreds of thousands of army kids start college every year. It would be beneficial for students and the schools they attend if efforts were made to help understand this group and their college transitioning experiences.

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