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Personality Research Paper At For your research paper this semester I want you to focus on how the Big 5 personality traits are influenced by sex differences

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Personality Research Paper At For your research paper this semester I want you to focus on how the Big 5 personality traits are influenced by sex differences. The authors of your textbook (Larsen and Buss) review research on sex differences in the “Big Five” dimensions of personality (Chapter 16). Select one of these five dimensions (Openness, Conscientiousness, Extroversion, Agreeableness, Neuroticism). Now, conduct a review of the psychological literature (Peer-reviewed articles found from the library database PsychInfo, or another similar source. You may also cite the textbook, but this will not count as one of the 3 articles needed). Identify 3 articles published in the past 10 years that address sex differences or similarities in this particular personality dimension. Select articles that are not cited or discussed by Larsen and Buss. For each article, summarize what the researchers investigated, how they investigated it, and what they found. Discuss whether the results of these 3 articles are consistent with the results of research presented by Larsen and Buss. This should read like a research paper (think back to Psych 144) not a book report. In other words, I do not want you to simply give me a summary of the 3 articles. This paper should be written in APA style, and be no less than 3 pages (the Title Page & Reference page do not count toward page total). Overview: Step 1: Read Chapter 16 - The Science and Politics of Studying Sex and Gender (pp. 489-493) & Sex Differences in Personality (pp. 493- 501) Step 2: Select 1 of the five dimensions (Openness, Conscientiousness, Extroversion, Agreeableness, Neuroticism) Step 3: Search the literature for 3 articles on sex differences and your chosen dimension Step 4: Write an APA style literature review on your chosen dimension and sex differences (this should include AT LEAST 3 intext citations to the articles you found. You can cite the textbook and any other articles you would like as well). ART I DOC 0 land Cultural Domain and females are virtually identical in self-esteem. And during older age, from 60 on up, the d is only -0.03, which means that the males The magnitudes of all these effects are relatively small, even during adolescence, when the gap between the sexes is the widest. The widespread fear that women's self- esteem is permanently damaged seems somewhat exaggerated in light of this empirical evidence. Nonetheless, even small differences in self-esteem can be extremely important to day-to-day well-being, so this sex difference should not be dismissed. It will be inter- esting for researchers to explore why females appear to lose self-esteem in adolescence people Anoth (Lipp ????? with auto the abou ers, 64 , erer rou din of personality, but not perfect overlap (Schmitt & Buss, RO Οι TI si ? ti i When it comes to attitudes about casual sex, men tend to be more © Jon Feingersh/Blend Images LLC RF relative to males and whether programs that attempt to raise self-esteem are successful. Sexuality, Emotional Investment, and Mating As we saw in Chapter 3, individual differences in sexu- ality show some overlap with the five-factor model of 2000). Two reviews concluded that there exist large sex differences in the desire for sexual variety (Schmitt et al., 2012; Petersen & Hyde, 2010). Men are more likely to have more permissive attitudes toward causal sex (d = .45) and view pornography more often (d = .63). Men more than women also desire a larger number of sex partners, have more frequent sexual fantasies, and are more willing to accept offers of sex from a stranger (Hald & Hogh-Olesen, 2010). Can men and women be “just friends”? It turns interested in women than women are in men, on average. out that men have more difficulty than do women in being friends with the opposite sex. Men are more likely than women to initiate friendship with someone of the opposite sex because they are sexually attracted to them; more likely to actually become sexually attracted to their opposite sex friends, and more likely to dissolve such friend- ships if they do not result in sex (Bleske-Rechek & Buss, 2001). Men are more likely than women to be sexually aggressive in the sense of trying to force women to have sex when women express an unwillingness to have sex (Buss, 2016). Nonetheless, not all men are sexually aggressive. Some studies have shown that men who indicate “hostile masculinity” (domineering and degrading atti- tudes toward women) and men who lack the personality disposition of empathy are most likely to report using sexual aggression (Wheeler, George, & Dahl, 2002). Fur- thermore, men who are narcissistic are especially likely to express rape-supportive beliefs and to lack empathy for rape victims (Bushman et al., 2003). So, although the sexes can be said to differ overall in sexual aggression, it really appears to be limited to a subset of men—those who are narcissistic, lack empathy, and display hostile masculinity. If men score higher in desire for sexual variety, women typically score higher in “emotional investment," a cluster of items including loving, lovable , romantic, affec- tionate, cuddlesome, compassionate , and passionate (Schmitt & Buss, 2000). A study of 48 nations found an average effect size of -39 (Schmitt et al., 2009). The authors interpret this sex difference as stemming from the evolution of sex differences in attachment, with women showing higher levels of emotional attachment both to chil- dren and to romantic partners (Schmitt et al., 2009). Women between the ages of 18 et al., 2009). and 39 also report greater life longings for family and romantic partners (Kotter-Gruhn CHAP emotions in this international sample. All point to women experiencing both positive There are small, but statistically significant differences in the experience of emotions and negative emotions more frequently and intensely than do men. In the posi- no sex difference in either frequency or intensity. In the negative domain, women experi- tive domain, affection and joy show the largest sex differences. Pride, in contrast, shows ence fear and sadness more than men, especially in the reported intensity of the experi- ence. Guilt, in contrast, shows a minimal gender difference in intensity and no difference in frequency-perhaps contradicting the stereotype that women are more guilt prone than men. These results must be qualified in two ways. First, the effect sizes are generally small. Second, other research has documented that more specialized explorations of emotions reveal some reversals of these sex differences, such as women experiencing more intense jealousy in response to the emotional infidelity of a partner (see Chapter 8). don't express their emotions enough (Buss, 2016). Men, in contrast, often complain that women are too emotional. The results point to one possible reason for these complaints perhaps men don't express their emotions because they literally don't experience emo- One of the most common complaints that women express about men is that they tions as frequently or as intensely as do women. Other Dimensions of Personality Several dimensions of personality are related to, but not directly subsumed by, the five- factor model of personality. We will examine three: self-esteem, sexuality and mating, and the people-things dimension. men Self-Esteem A topic of major interest to women and men is self-esteem, or how good we feel about ourselves. This is reflected in the many popular books on the topic, such as 10 Simple Solutions for Building Self-Esteem (Schiraldi, 2007). Although researchers have explored many facets of self-esteem, such as esteem of one's athletic abilities and esteem of one's social skills, by far the most frequently measured component is global self-esteem, defined as "the level of global regard that one has for the self as a person” (Harter, 1993, p. 88). Global self-esteem can range from highly positive to highly nega- tive and reflects an overall evaluation of the self (Kling et al., 1999). Global self-esteem is linked with many aspects of functioning and is central to mental health. Those with high self-esteem appear to cope better with the stresses and strains of daily life. In laboratory studies, when faced with negative feedback about one's performance, those with high self-esteem perform better on cognitive tasks. Those with high self-esteem tend to take credit for their successes but deny responsibility for their failures (Kling et al., 1999). Meta-analyses have yielded an interesting pattern of sex differences (Feingold, 1994; Kling et al. , 1999). The overall effect size is relatively small (d = 0.21), with males scoring slightly higher than females in self-esteem (Kling et al., 1999). The fascinating Intensity 0.23 0.25 0.26 0.18 MS 0.25 0.26 0.14 0.28 finding, however, emerged when the researchers analyzed sex differences in self-esteem according to the age of the participants. Young children (ages 7-10) showed only a slight sex difference in self-esteem (d = 0.16). As the children approached adolescence, how- ever, the gap between the sexes widened. At ages 11-14, d was 0.23. And the sex differ- ence peaked during the ages of 15-18 (d = 0.33). Females seem to suffer from lower self-esteem than males as they hit their mid- to late teens. The good news is that in adult- hood the self-esteem gap starts to close. During the ages of 19-22, the effect size shrinks to 0.18. During the ages of 23-59, the sexes come even closer, with a d of 0.10. 007 time. For example, a small difference in order between marriage partners may result in a Nonetheless, even very small effects can sometimes have large cumulative effects over large number of arguments about housecleaning over the course of a year. Emotional Stability Emotional Stability may be the most value-laden dimension of the five-factor model. As will recall from Chapter 3, at one end of the dimension are those who are steady, you calm, and stable. One can label this end "emotionally stable.” The opposite end is characterized by volatility and changeability of mood. Although many have labeled this end of the dimension "emotionally unstable” or “neurotic," one could just as easily label it as “emotionally expressive." The important point to keep in mind is the psychological meaning of the dimension—the actual traits it includes rather than the label given to either extreme. 65 The 50-culture study revealed that Emotional Stability shows the largest sex difference (d = -0.49) in the five-factor model, indicating that women are moderately lower than men on this dimension (McCrae et al., 2005b; see also Schmitt et al., 2008). A study of 10 Arab countries—Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Emirates, Oman, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine (Nablus and Gaza), Jordan, and Iraq-found similar sex differences a measure of anxiety (Abdel-Khalek & Alansari, 2004). Older adults ranging in age from 65 to 98 also show a mean sex difference in Emotional Stability (d=-0.52), with women scoring lower than men (Chapman et al., 2007). The Anxiety facet of this factor shows the largest gender difference across cultures, with women scoring more in the anxious direction (d=-0.54) (De Bolle et al., 2015). And more detailed measures show that women are especially high on fearfulness (d=-1.04) (Campbell et al., 2016). using other men at crimes of est rate for you can see es in violeni enties. After Intellect-Openness to Experience The 50-culture study revealed essentially no sex differences (d = -0.07) in Intellect- Openness to experience (McCrae et al., 2005b), similar to a 55-culture study that found a d = -0.05 (Schmitt et al., 2008). Botwin and colleagues (1997) examined sex differences in Intellect-Openness to experience using three data sources: self-report, spouse-report, and independent interviewer reports (one male and one female interviewer). Separate analyses of these three data sources yielded no sex differences in Openness-Intellect. And a massive cross-cultural study of adolescents, college students, and adults reveals essentially no gender differences in Openness to Experience at the global trait level. Nonetheless, a facet analysis reveals that women score higher on two facets of Openness-Fantasy and especially Ideas (De Bolle et al., 2015). Table 16.1 summarizes the key findings of gender differences in the key facets of the five factor more similar which there ed by young or the genda t(d = -33 ents they ma findings lend ex differences model of personality. Sssion refer to ssion "such as ces or a slight Meski, 2010 Basic Emotions: Frequency and Intensity Emotions are central to personality, so much so that we devoted an entire chapter to them (Chapter 13). Research conducted on a cross-cultural scale has revealed precisely where the sexes differ in their experiences of emotions and where the sexes are verall levels or usness has bad essentially the same. The most extensive study examined 2,199 Australians and an international sample of 6,868 participants drawn from 41 different countries (Brebner, 2003). Eight fundamental emotions were examined, four positive" emotions (Affection, Joy, Contentment, Pride) and four "negative" emotions (Fear, Anger, Sadness, Guilt). Participants used rating scales to indicate (1) how frequently they experienced each emotion and (2) the intensity with which they experienced each emotion. The basic 2 men on order vealed a slight) is small enou findings are summarized in Table 16.2. Jimension 00200 People-Things Dimension Another dimension of personality has been labeled the people-things dimension (Lippa, 1998; Little, 1972a, 1972b). This refers to the nature of vocational interests. People who score toward the “things” end of the dimension prefer vocations that deal with impersonal objects—machines, tools, or materials. Examples include carpenters, mechanics, building contractors, tool makers, and farmers. Those scoring toward the “people” end of the dimension prefer social occupations, which involve thinking ers, social workers, nurses, and religious counselors. about others, caring for others, or directing others. Examples include high school teach- erences. The correlation between sex and the people-things dimension is .56, or a d of auto As you might imagine, there are strong sex differences in these occupational pref- of more than half a million people found a d of 0.93, which is considered quite large (Su, of 10 ex ely They are more ex 3). of and ger roughly 1.35, which means that men are more likely to score at the things end of the dimension, and women are more likely to score at the people end (Lippa, 1998). A study Rounds , & Armstrong, 2009). When girls are asked to describe themselves spontane- ously, they are more likely than boys to make references to their close relationships. likely to value personal qualities linked to group harmony, such as sen- sitivity to others. And they are more likely to identify their personal relationships as central to their identity as a person (Gabriel & Gardner, 1999). The people—thing distinc- tion is similar to the empathizing-systemizing distinction. Empathizing refers to tuning in to other people's thoughts and feelings. Systemizing is the drive to comprehend how things work, how systems are built, and how inputs into systems produce outputs (Baron-Cohen, 2003). Women score higher on empathizing, men higher on systemiz- ing, which may partially explain gender differences in occupational preferences women more than men prefer teaching and helping professions; men more than women gravitate toward construction and engineering (Wright et al., 2015). Although these results are certainly not surprising in that they fit with our stereo- types of women and men, it is interesting that they were correctly identified more than a century ago: “[Researchers] found as the greatest difference between men and women that in the relative strength of the interest in things and their mechanisms [stronger in men) and the interest in persons and their feelings (stronger in women)” (Thorndike, 1911, p. 31). These preferences are likely to have important consequences for the occupations women and men select and the pleasurable activities they pursue. Men, being more thing-oriented, are more likely to be found tinkering with engines or building wooden structures in their spare time. Women, being more people-oriented, are more likely to prefer planning weekend activities around other people. ins kely the ome end- ying sex have atti- Y are Fur- ortive gh the mited lostile Masculinity, Femininity, Androgyny, and Sex Roles Women and men differ in a few dimensions: assertiveness, tender-mindedness, and Sher in anxiety, study as well as in aggression, sexuality, and depression. But do these differences mean that there is such a thing as a masculine or feminine personality? This section explores conceptions of masculinity and femininity and how the treatment of these top- In the 1930s, personality researchers began to notice that men and women dif- ored in their responses to a number of personality items on large inventories. For uthors Ices II ics has changed over time. O chil sol 18 -Gruhn example, when asked whether they preferred to take baths or showers, women indicated that they preferred baths, whereas men indicated that they preferred showers. Based on 1100 No 1000 900 lai 800 E 700 E y ? 600 CS Rate of violent crime (arrests/100,000 persons) 500 Males ? e 400 1 300 1 200 100 Females 0