Homework answers / question archive / Prompts: - Why were the Chinese (and other) merchants in the South China Sea labeled as pirates? - How did these groups helped the galleon trade? What has money got to do with colonialism? - How did the Columbian Exchange, particularly, the introduction of sweet potato, facilitated the expansion of Chinese groups who originally depended on wet river valleys for rice cultivation? ----------------------------------------------- Guidelines: - From the three prompts above, choose one to write and reflect on

Prompts: - Why were the Chinese (and other) merchants in the South China Sea labeled as pirates? - How did these groups helped the galleon trade? What has money got to do with colonialism? - How did the Columbian Exchange, particularly, the introduction of sweet potato, facilitated the expansion of Chinese groups who originally depended on wet river valleys for rice cultivation? ----------------------------------------------- Guidelines: - From the three prompts above, choose one to write and reflect on

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- Why were the Chinese (and other) merchants in the South China Sea labeled as pirates?

- How did these groups helped the galleon trade? What has money got to do with colonialism?

- How did the Columbian Exchange, particularly, the introduction of sweet potato, facilitated the expansion of Chinese groups who originally depended on wet river valleys for rice cultivation?

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- From the three prompts above, choose one to write and reflect on. You can do all or just one. One might be more specific and better.

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The Spanish Philippines: Archaeological Perspectives on Colonial Economics and Society Author(s): Russell K. Skowronek Source: International Journal of Historical Archaeology, Vol. 2, No. 1 (March 1998), pp. 45-71 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20852896 Accessed: 28-02-2016 18:03 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20852896?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Journal of Historical Archaeology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions International Journal of Historical Archaeology, VoL 2, No. /, 1998 The Spanish Philippines: Archaeological Perspectives on Colonial Economics and Society Russell K. Skowronek1 When scholars consider Spanish colonialism in the Philippines their impressions are based largely on documentary evidence of their 377-year colonial presence and on romanticized impressions of the larger Spanish empire. In the New World, wherever Europeans settled, there is a clear break in the archaeological sequence of pre-Columbian cultural traditions. In the systemic context these changes continue to be evidenced in architectural style, city plan, and diet. Today, however, archaeologists working in Luzon, Cebu, and Mindanao are revealing vast differences between the nature of Spanish colonialism in the Philippines and that seen in the Americas. There, the remoteness of the colony from Europe, combined with its geographical position on the doorstep of China, created a unique Spanish colonial adaptation that reveals the significance of Asia in the world economic order. KEY WORDS: Spanish Philippines; commerce; acculturation; ceramics. INTRODUCTION In 1896 at Pugadlawin, Andres Bonifacio began the Philippine revo lution against Spain. Fifty years later?following occupations by die United States and Japan?came independence. Now as we mark the centennial of the Spanish-American V&r we must ask if 1896 marked the first break with Spain's colonial order or if it was merely the lens that brought an earlier schism into focus? The legacy of 425 years of colonialism has few such long-lived counterparts in the modern world. For 377 of those four and a quarter centuries of occupation, Spain was the key political player in the archipelago. The changes wrought by such a long association would department of Anthropology and Sociology, Santa Clara University, Santa Clara, CA 95053. 45 1092*7697/98/03aM)045$I5.0Q/D O 1998 Plenum Publishing Corporation This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 46 Skowronek seemingly be found at all levels of the society. Yet when the Philippines are compared with their colonial counterparts in the Americas, vast differ ences appear in the configurations of the colonial presence. Thus, the situ ation in the Philippines has ramifications for ideas surrounding the creation and physical manifestations of the modern global economy. RATIONALE For decades, economic historians have pointed to the early modern era or age of European expansion as the birthplace of the world economy (e.g., Stavrianos, 1981; Wallerstein, 1974, 1989; Wolf, 1982). This Eurocen tric view has placed Asia at the periphery of the nascent global economy. Asia was perceived to be an area that had had its own insular economic focus, which later was incorporated into this Western juggernaut. Others (e.g., Frank, 1995, pp. 173, 189; Bergesen, 1995, p. 201) have challenged this view and argued for an Afro-Eurasian world economic system of 5000 years' duration. In this Asian-centered view of history, Europe is seen as the periphery. European states wanted to participate as equal players in the Asian core but were economically, militarily, and politically too weak to challenge the East through Eurasia or south Asia, lb overcome these deficiencies contact was sought to the west. Europe's capture of the Ameri cas was seen as a prelude to the elusive prize of Asia. There they trans formed the social and natural environment into a facsimile of their homeland, literally a New Europe was created in the New World when it became part of their European-centered economy (Skowronek, 1989). While the British, Dutch, French, Portuguese, and Spanish would come to establish colonial enclaves in South, Southeast, and East Asia, China re mained aloof and closed to the Europeans for the next three and one half centuries (1480s-1830s). Their contact was limited by the Chinese to the regulated exchange of luxury goods at specific ports?a situation that left Europe at the periphery of Asia. While being at the periphery of the Asian economy, we would, none theless, expect that a 377-year Spanish presence in the Philippines would be clearly evidenced in the archaeological record. As has been abundantly demonstrated in New World-focused archaeology of the postcontact era, a clear break appears in the archaeological sequence of pre-Columbian cul tural traditions wherever Europeans have settled. In the systemic context these changes are evidenced in architectural style and city plan. In the ar chaeological context this break is most visible in the form of imported European-produced objects including those which were colonially produced using European production technologies and design motifs in substitution This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 47 The Spanish Philippines for local forms. Such objects arrived in the colonies for two main reasons. First, the tenets of mercantilism dictated that the homeland's manufactures should be marketed in the colonies; and second, in the creation of a mestizo society, the Spanish desired to create a facsimile of the Old World or a "New Europe," such that material culture would serve as ethnic-status in dicators. For example, the use and display of highly visible ceramic table wares would mark the owners as members of the colonizing power (Skowronek, 1984,1989). Anyone vaguely familiar with research on Spanish colonial cities or missions, pueblos, and presidios that marked the limits of Spain's New World empire will recognize the many pottery and glass objects found therein as these sorts of materials (see Deagan, 1987). What is important to note is that even in the farthest hinterlands of the Empire (e.g., Spanish Florida, New Mexico, and California), where communication was poor and frequently nonexistent for long periods of time, Spanish set tlers made a conscious effort to procure these items and create a "New Europe" on the frontier (Shulsky, 1994; Skowronek, 1989; Skowronek and Wizorek, 1997). Given these observations, what should we expect to find in the Philippines? BACKGROUND The economic history of the Spanish Philippines can be divided into three distinct periods. First, an era I term the "Prelude" was a time of initial exploration and contact. This period lasted some 40 years, or from the arrival of Magellan in 1S21 to the founding of Cebu in 1565 and Manila in 1571. This epoch was followed by a 250-year period of barter and plun der when the Philippines served as a commercial outpost for the famed Manila galleon trade. The last two-thirds of the nineteenth century was an era of commercial capitalism based on the export of plantation produce (Legarda y Fernandez, 1967, p. 11). The concern of this research is the latter two eras. Annually, for 250 years, between 1573 and 1815 (Chaunu, 1960; Cush ner, 1971, pp. 127-128; Legarda, 1955; Legarda y Fernandez, 1967, pp. 3-6; Lyon, 1990, pp. 11,37; Schurz, 1939; Hibangui et aL, 1982, p. 89), two Span ish merchant vessels made the 14-month-long round-trip passage from Ma nila to Acapulco on the western coast of Mexico (Moses, 1929, p. 75). These ships bore the finished exotica of the Far East (Cushner, 1971, pp. 128, 187; Lyon, 1990, pp. 13-14). From the Philippines came cotton goods and such metals as copper, silver, and gold. The ships also carried abaca hemp (burlap and rope), dyewoods, hides, and coconut products (copra and shell). India and Ceylon supplied taffetas, pearls, diamonds, topazes, This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 48 Skowronek carved ivory, and cotton goods. The Spice Islands, later known as the Dutch East Indies and today as Indonesia, shipped cloves, cinnamon, pepper, cam phor, gems, and some ceramics. Indochinese imports included tin, ivory, rubies, and sapphires. Additionally, from Japan came amber, cutlery, and furniture. We know, however, from tax and port records, that the lion's share of the goods on the galleons originated in China and was borne to Manila in Chinese ships (Chaunu, 1960, pp. 148-199). Items of silk, jade, sandalwood, ivory, copper, and iron, in addition to pearls and pottery, ar rived in Chinese ships (Cushner, 1971, p. 128; Lyon, 1990, p. 14; TUbangui et aLy 1982, pp. 51-53). As early as the Sung Dynasty (A.D. 950-1279) and for half a millennium prior to the arrival of the Spanish, Chinese merchants trafficked in earthenware pots and jars, tin, copper and iron wares, and porcelain tablewares and jars. The archaeological record testifies to the vol ume of this trade, as massive quantities of imported porcelains and other trade commodities have been recovered from both burial and habitation contexts throughout the Philippines (e.g., Aga-Oglu, 1946; 1948; Junker, 1990, p. 167). Under the Spanish the volume of silks and porcelains, in cluding pieces of higher quality, went up (Guerrero and Quirino, 1977, p. 1009; Legarda y Fernandez, 1967, p. 3; Mudge, 1986, p. 39; Tubangui et aL, 1982, p. 51). From Mexico the galleons returned laden with silver, books, lace, fans, and wine for the Spanish residents of the Philippines (Alip, 1959, p. 53; Cushner, 1971, p. 197; Legarda y Fernandez, 1967, p. 3; Lyon, 1990, p. 36). All told, between 1 and 2 million pesos in goods moved annually between the two colonies (Cushner, 1971, pp. 134, 136). For all of its commerce, the Philippines were an economic liability or "black hole" for the Spanish (Cushner, 1971, p. 129; Legarda y Fernandez, 1967, pp. 14-15, 20). Although the islands had evidenced veins of precious ores and had an appropriate climate and soils for the establishment of plan tations, the colony was impoverished and received an operating subsidy or situado from Mexico, of which it was an autonomous dependency until 1821 (Bauzon, 1977, p. 1037; Cushner, 1971, p. 132; Moses, 1929, p. 75; Phelan, 1967, pp. 13, 106, 154; TUbangui et aL, 1982, pp. 48-50). That situado plus the taxes collected in Manila and Acapulco on the cargoes of the galleons went for the maintenance of the flota and the infrastructure of the Spanish colonial government and its representatives (Cushner, 1971, p. 129; TUban gui et aL, 1982, p. 47). The reason for these economic shortcomings can be traced to the Manila galleons and the position of the Philippines as the commercial middlemen for the Mexican Chinese trade (Casino, 1982, p. 98). Great profits could be made in Manila brokering these exchanges with out having to develop the hinterlands of the colony. Also, since plantations in the New World produced sugar, tobacco, cotton, and indigo, there was little reason to compete with them for such bulk products. Anyway, such This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Spanish Philippines 49 products would be difficult to transport across the Pacific and across Mex ico to reach and attract attention in the European markets. The market economy did not extend beyond Manila. In the hinterlands of the archipelago, subsistence agriculture was the norm until the last third of the eighteenth century, when the so-called Bourbon Reforms were en acted (Rafael, 1988, p. 193). At that time Spain sought to make each co lonial area more self-sufficient (de Jesus, 1980, pp. 23, 25, 57, 131; Wallerstein, 1989, p. 239). In the Philippines that meant ending the 200-year old Mexican subsidy and establishing a government regulated monopoly of tobacco, cotton, indigo, abaca, coffee, and sugar. Furthermore, the monop oly of the Manila galleon was broken when the port of Manila began to be serviced by the Spanish-owned Royal Philippine Company. In the wake of die Napoleonic Wars, Spain struggled to reassert royal authority over its isolated New World colonies. Yet, one, by one each gained independence, so that by 1827 only Cuba and Puerto Rico remained in the Empire. The Philippines, with these and other scattered colonies in Africa and Micronesia were the remnants of once mighty imperial Spain. At this time the economic focus of each of these colonies was completely redirected from mercantilism and subsistence agriculture a plantation ex port economy. Ports were opened to foreign vessels and non-Spaniards were allowed to own land for the first time. In the Philippines, 19 years after the last Manila galleon sailed, the Royal Philippine Company was disbanded, and in 1834 Manila was made a free port for trade. This opened the door and allowed non-Spanish Euro peans to own land. Thus, beginning in 1834 the Philippines were trans formed into a giant plantation that produced abaca, coffee, sugar, and tobacco for export. With this open door policy British- and American-based banks and insurance companies began to be established in Manila. These institutions in turn founded more plantations that shipped produce through the newly opened Suez Canal (1869) to a growing European market (Con stantino, 1975, pp. 114-115; Corpuz, 1989, pp. 458-460; Diaz-Ttechuelo, 1978, pp. 1345-1349; Legarda y Fernandez, 1967, pp. 1-12; Hibangui et aU 1982, pp. 85-89). Descriptions of this nineteenth-century trade underscore Spain's shift from mercantilism into commercial capitalism. For example, in the Philippines as early as 1838, Rafael Diaz Arenas (1838, p. 36), an officer in the Royal treasury nonchalantly wrote of the presence of foreign traders wherein "all European merchandize carried in non-Spanish ships were to pay a duty of 14%. He went on to discuss their plantation produce and other raw material exports and the wide variety of foreign imports brought into the Philippines by these individuals (1838, pp. 45-73). What I find most interesting in his account is his specification of items imported by "Anglo-Americans," which included crystal ware and ceramics. By the This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 3 This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 51 Hie Spanish Philippines Fig. 2. The fortifications of Manila. 1880s Chinese-owned department stores in Manila dealt in "fine crystal and furniture" from Europe (Legarda y Fernandez, 1967, p. 13). Britain and the United States were the number one and two non-Asian importers in the Philippines in the nineteenth century, while the Spanish were a poor third (Cushner, 1971, p. 197; Legarda y Fernandez, 1967, p. 11). Given this This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 52 Skowronek distribution, how would this history be represented in the archaeological record? A CHANGING CULTURAL LANDSCAPE-ARCHAEOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS Imperial Architecture?The State and Church Archaeologists working in the early modern era are well acquainted with the behavioral and physical manifestations of Spanish colonialism. Spain left its mark on the cultural and natural landscape in many ways. TTie best known of these include the grid city plan. From east to west and north to south in the Americas, Spanish colonial cities were laid out fol lowing the city planning ordinances of the laws of the Indies (Crouch et aL9 1982). These laws were also applied in their Asian colonies (Rafael, 1988, pp. 88-89; Zialcita and Tinio, 1980, p. 26) (Fig. 1) Concepts surrounding status were similar on both sides of the Pacific within the Spanish colonies. For example, eighteenth-century drawings made in the Philippines as part of the Malaspina Expedition of 1792 show Spanish Creoles and peninsulares wearing European-style clothing, while mestizos and others of Chinese or Filipino descent wore indigenous styles or distinctive mixtures of the two, including the barong tagalog or the polo barong, the Filipino version of the familiar Latin American guayabera (Madulid, 1987, pp. 224-248). Similarly, town life centered around a central plaza where the church, government buildings, and main businesses were located. Closest to these institutions, on the most visible locations, were the homes of the elite. Farther out lived the masses in their taga labas or homes of thatch and wood (Lockhart and Schwartz, 1983, p. 67; Zialcita and Tinio, 1980, p. 125). Domestic Architecture Across the world certain architectural styles came to epitomize the Spanish empire. Fortifications designed by Spanish engineers are, in their rigidity, a classic example of planned state architecture [whether found in Florida, Peru, or the Philippines (Spoehr, 1973)] (Fig. 2). The Catholic church was the second aspect of Spanish colonialism. When found in the Americas their style is distincdy European in inspiration, from floor plan to detailing. In the Philippines the style is clearly Asian influenced but is, nonetheless, clearly part of the Spanish cultural template for buildings of This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Spanish Philippines 53 Fig. 3. Church of San Guillcrmo, Laoag, IIocos Norte. Fig. 4. Streetscape, Vigan, IIocos Sur. This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 54 Skowronek this kind (Coseteng, 1972; Diaz-Ti-echuelo, 1959; Galende and Javellana, 1993, p. 7) (Fig. 3). Unlike the Jesuits, who adopted Asian dress to aid their alien proselytizing mission within sovereign China, the Spanish in the Philippines did not have to resort to such methods of cultural accommo dation within their colonial possessions (Sebes, 1988). Finally, there are the homes of the elites, the key participants in Spain's economic endeavors. When we think of their homes we see the stereotypic white-washed, tile-roofed styles of Spain's southern torrid zone become the ubiquitous style throughout their American colonies. In both Old and New World locales occupants used the entire structure for any and all activities. In the Philippines we must remember that the majority of elites were Asian?Creoles, Filipinos, Chinese, or mestizos?with very few Spanish-born peninsulares. Their houses were built largely by Chinese craftsmen using lo cally made materials. From the public or street side of these geometric struc tures there was no doubt that this was a corner of the Spanish empire, but these facades hid a distinctly Asian house in floor plan and in the function of rooms (Zialcita and Tinio, 1980, p. 29) (Fig. 4). Many of these trends can be seen in the architectural styles that char acterized the Philippines in the nineteenth century. In the eighteenth cen tury the bahay na bato of the affluent peninsulares and Creole families were built following a "geometric style" (Zialcita and Tinio, 1980, pp. 126,151). The floor plan was in an L- or U-shape similar to that found in the Ameri cas (e.g., Manucy, 1964, p. 49). Appointed with Spanish made ceramic floor tiles (ladrillos) and locally made roof tiles (tejas), these homes served to mark the status of their owners as individuals who identified themselves as part of the ruling Spanish elite (Zialciata and Tinio, 1980, p. 127). Space within the houses had different uses than we would recognize today. In the past, houses were comprised of multipurpose rooms that could function in a number of ways depending on the time of the day and the people present (Zialcita and Tinio, 1980, p. 95). In the Philippines, though, there was one critical difference: it was deemed impossible to live on the ground floor, as it was thought to be too wet for any function beyond that of a storeroom or a bodega (Zialcita and Tinio, 1980, pp. 25, 26) (Fig. 5). With the opening of the Philippines to outside investors, the colony's subsistence-based agriculture was rapidly transformed, through the infusion of large amounts of British and American capital, into a giant plantation producing sugar, rice, abaca, indigo, and coffee. In addition to their cash, these new Westerners brought new ideas regarding their personal environ ment or housing. They brought with them the revivalist styles of Europe and, with them Western concepts of space such that there were now rooms in each house dedicated to specific functions such as dining rooms (come dors), bedrooms (dormitorios), and living rooms (sala) (Zialcita and Tinio, This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 3 This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 56 Skowronek \ Mmm * djfpmh JUm* y Am. A.,, \?r-X-^ X-5-?I *** '?tItt?t*t Fig. 6. Elevation of the Victorian home of Sr. Garchitorena, Manila, 1883. [Reproduced, courtesy of GFC Books and Fernando Zialcita, from Zialcita and Tinio (1980, p. 60).] 1980, pp. 102, 108-109, 164-165). By the end of the second third of the nineteenth century, this new "floral" Victorian-inspired design came to characterize the homes of the newly affluent Spanish and Chinese mestizos and indios who were part of these nouveau riche principalias or plantation elite (Zialcita and Tinio, 1980, pp. 127, 132, 136, 151) (Fig. 6). On a social level we can further evaluate the impact of this changing economic order by examining an archaeologically sensitive indicator of external contact and change?ceramics. Ceramics Ceramics are durable and therefore ubiquitous on historical archae ological sites. Their form, surface decoration, and method of manufacture make them highly identifiable markers of function, status, and cultural point of origin. It has been noted in Spanish colonial New World sites that This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Spanish Philippines 57 there is a favorable correlation between European-made, copied or im ported ceramics and the social status and ethnicity of their users. If similar trends in colonial culture were operating in these remote corners of the empire, we would expect a change in this aspect of material culture as the ethnic and demographic composition of the society changed. In peripheral, protective colonial areas such as Florida and Puerto Rico in the Caribbean basin, most archaeological research on the Spanish presence has focused on the era before the last quarter of the eighteenth century (e.g., Deagan, 1983, 1987; Goggin, 1968; Skowronek, 1984, 1989; 1992a). These studies have shown that in these areas as late as 1750, Span ish-made tablewares, of both colonial and, very rarely, Old World manu facture, outnumbered non-Hispanic produce by a two-to-one margin (Skowronek, 1992a, pp. 114-116). However, in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries (1780s-1830s), as the goals of the Bourbon Reforms for self-sufficiency were beginning to be realized, this would change. Thus New World colonial areas such as California (Skowronek and Wizorek, 1997; Wizorek and Skowronek, 1997) began economically to shift from pro tective to productive, indicating Spain's resurgence and move away from mercantilism toward commercial capitalism. In Asia a different material pattern existed before the collapse of Spain's New World empire. Very few Spanish or Mexican-made ceramics Fig. 7. Swatow Wferes (San Carlos University collection, Cebu). This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 58 Skowronek were exported to their Pacific Ocean possessions (Skowronek, 1992b). In stead ships bore silver, books, lace, fans, and wine (Alip, 1959, p. 53; Cush ner, 1971, p. 197; Lyon, 1990, p. 36). The reason for the virtual absence of ceramics is clear when we consider that the expressed economic raison d'etre for the maintenance of the colonies was for trade with the Far East. This trade was for a wide variety of commodities including silk and pottery. Under the Spanish control of the islands, the volume of silks and porce lains, including pieces of higher quality, went up and became ubiquitous within Spanish colonial towns (Dizon, 1994; Guerroro and Quirino, 1977, p. 1009; Hibangui et aL, 1982, p. 51). As the chinoiserie or imitation Chinese pattern tin-glazed earthenwares of the sixteenth- through eighteenth-cen tury Old World attest, Europeans in the New World colonies wanted Chi nese-made porcelains to mark their status. Only if those high cost wares were unavailable would lower-cost "knockoffs" be accepted (Skowronek, 1984). Nonetheless, even in backwaters such as St. Augustine, Florida, Santa Fe, New Mexico, and Santa Clara, California, Chinese porcelains do occur at low frequencies (Deagan, 1983; Shulsky, 1994; Skowronek and Wi zorek, 1997). In the Philippines, where access to low-cost, high-quality ce ramics was only as far as Manila, rather than a 14-month-long trip to Mexico, majolicas would be scorned and considered as akin to bringing "coals to Newcastle"?an economic absurdity. When the archaeological records of Guam and the Philippines are con sidered these observations are supported. In the collections made by the University of Michigan Philippine Expedition of 1922-1925, no majolica vessels have been identified from the 542 sites investigated (Guthe, 1927, 1929; Skowronek, 1992b). Similarly, recent excavations in Manila's Intra muros and the galleon San Diego have revealed no evidence of Mexican or Spanish-made chinoiserie-styte tablewares (Bautista and de la Tbrre, 1994; Dizon, 1994; Gatbonton, 1994; Valdes, 1993). Similarly, work in Agana, Guam, has revealed only "a few sherds of majolica pottery" and "little else that could certainly be attributed to Spanish manufacture" (Welch et aL, 1992, p. 8). However, from these same sites we do find Ching porcelain and decorated Swatow wares from Kwantung province in China that date from the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries (Harrison, 1979, p. 27) (Fig. 7). Only the ubiquitous ceramic storage containers known as "olive jars" continue to indicate the Spanish presence in these distant Asian lands from the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries (Fig. 8). These earthenware containers would have been filled with a variety of Old World comestibles, such as wine and olive oil, that are basic in Spanish cuisine. Such foodstuffs would have been locally unavailable in this remote corner of the empire. This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Spanish Philippines 59 Fig. 8. Olive jars. (a)"EarlyM tibor for (b) "Middle" forms (both San Diego shipwreck, 1600) (c) "Late" form (San Agustin Project, Intramuros, Manila; NCR-92-J, Phil ippine National Museum collections), (d) "Middle" form ("Burial Ground 107" Bo hol, Guthe collections, University of Michigan). American-, English-, and Dutch-made ceramics such as transfer printed pearlwares, stonewares, and edged and banded whitewares do even tually become part of the assemblages from the Pacific (Skowronek, 1992; Welch et aL, 1992). Joining Cantonese and Japanese export porcelains and dating from the 1830s to the 1890s, these materials represent both the opening of Spanish ports for free trade and the establishment of a plan This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 60 Skowronek Fig. 8b tation-focused economy whose managers were wage earners representing European investors (Fig. 9). MAKING SENSE OF THE SPANISH PHILIPPINES For 377 years, from 1521 to 1898, the Philippines existed at the edge of the Spanish and European world. This is longer than for all other colo nies except Cuba and Puerto Rico. From the era of Marco Polo, Asia was considered by Europeans as the zenith of success. When Spain began its expansion it saw Christianity as the greatest of causes, but the height of civilization was China. If imitation is the greatest of flatteries, the chinois erie ceramics of Europe and the fabled Manila galleons, filled with silks and spices, well sum up the era before the 1750s. After that the world was secularized during, and as a result of, the Industrial Revolution. As a result of its defeat in the Opium Wars of the 1830s, China was no longer seen as the elusive prize and pinnacle of civilization. Instead China was seen as a lower form of society within the unilinear evolutionary scheme of the early social Darwinists. In China's former place of prominence was the capi talism of England and the United States. This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 61 The Spanish Philippines ,; Fig. 8c The Philippines were politically Spanish and the marks of empire are clear in city plan and in public and private forms of architecture. The Span ish themselves, however, remained a true minority at this far corner of the This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Skowronek Fig. 8d empire for hundreds of years. These peninsulares can be seen archaeologi cally through the containers for their exotic Old World foodstuffs?olive oils, wines, and sherries. Yet it is Asian-produced material culture that is overwhelmingly present, and it is Asian culture that survives. We need only compare Spanish colonial homes in the Americas with those of the Phil ippines to underscore this point. From the street, their public side, they all This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Spanish Philippines 63 Fig. 9. (a) Hand-painted pearlware ("Burial Cave 22" Samar); (b) blue transfer printed pearlware ("Grave 193" Bohol; Guthe collections, University of Michigan), (c) Black transfer-printed pearlware; (d) shell-edged whitewares (San Agustin Pro ject, Intramuros, Manila; NCR-92-J, Philippine National Museum collections). look very similar, but it is the interior space, and how it is divided, that reflects the mindset of the people who lived therein. The floor plans of St. Augustine, Florida (Manucy, 1964), would be familiar to any archaeologist be they working in California, Mexico, or Florida. Compared with those from the Philippines, we see a different division of private space, an Asian division of space (Zialcita and Tinio, 1980). Inside these houses the diet, the material culture, and the language remained Asian. Yet a transformation begins to took place in the nineteenth century, when plantation-based commercial capitalism began. After 1835 English and American entrepreneurs move to the Philippines, and for the first time we see that the goal is not to imitate Asia but simply to capture it eco nomically. The shock troops of this new invasion make it perfectly clear that they are Europeans first and foremost in language, diet, and material culture. Thus the break with Spain and the true birth of modern world or global economy can be seen early in the nineteenth century. This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Skowronek Fig. 9b CONCLUSIONS In the New World, wherever Europeans settled, there is a clear break in the archaeological sequence of pre-Columbian cultural traditions. In the systemic context, these changes continue to be evidenced in architectural style, city plan, and diet: aspects of culture that were consciously imposed by the colonists. In the archaeological context, this break is most visible in the form of imported European-produced objects including those which were colonially produced using European production technologies and de This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 65 The Spanish Philippines Fig. 9c sign motifs in substitution for local forms. Ceramic table, storage, and utili tarian wares are one category of artifact that exhibit these characteristics and, so, epitomize these changes. Such objects arrived in the colonies for two main reasons: first, because the tenets of mercantilism dictated that the homeland's manufactures should be marketed in the colonies and, sec ond, due to the creation of a mestizo society, whose desire was to create a facsimile of the Old World or a "New Europe," such that these items would serve as ethnic-status indicators. Even in the farthest hinterlands of the empire (e.g., Spanish Florida and California), where communication was poor and frequently nonexistent for long periods of time, there was a conscious effort to procure these items and create a "New Europe" on the frontier (Skowronek, 1984, 1989). The Spanish empire was not an unchanging monolith; rather, it was reshaped by the economic and historical exigencies that brought change to the early modern world. Unlike other European powers, whose colonies had to be efficient and self-supporting to make diem worthy of imperial attention and protection, the wealth Spain derived from its early productive colonies allowed it to maintain its special form of religious mercantilism that could support other more peripheral nonproductive areas and, as such, deny them to foreign interlopers. The trade monopolies that characterized this approach This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 66 Skowronek Fig. 9d are epitomized in the Spanish empire origins of the majority of ceramic as semblages of this pre-nineteenth-century era (Skowronek 1992a). In the eighteenth century the Bourbons abandoned mercantilism and raced to join the commercial capitalists by encouraging the economic de velopment of the nonproductive periphery. This success was just beginning to be realized when the Napoleonic Wars cost them their fleets and, with that, forever shattered their hold on a worldwide empire. No longer was the situado expected to supply these areas; instead the opening of new mar kets for other Spanish ports represents a stimulation for the economy of the motherland and the colony alike. In the second third of the nineteenth century came the final transition of the previously peripheral colony of the Philippines. As a free port with eased rules for immigration, plantations were established with foreign capi tal, machinery and expertise. These Spanish and non-Spanish managers were paid representatives of foreign-based investors?the forerunners of This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 67 Tht Spanish Philippines the multinational corporation in the Third World. Their job was to oversee the production of exportable raw materials. These "expats," like the earlier Spanish, sought to transplant their cultural ideals to the frontier. Spanish olive jars tell us that certain Old World wines and foods were still coveted by the Spanish in the islands but their desire for tablewares would now be fulfilled by the mass-produced and readily available wares that could be procured at a low cost from Europe. Non-Spaniards were temporally lim ited in their ability to transform these politically Spanish islands. Yet there is archaeological evidence suggesting that Anglo-Americans could have en joyed imported familiar crystal ware and ceramics (Arenas, 1838, pp. 45-73) while their children were sent overseas for their education. It is no wonder therefore that work by Cheek et aL (1987, p. 65) suggests that similar ar chaeological deposits dating from this era in Puerto Rico more closely re sembled English colonial than Spanish colonial sites. As more evidence is accumulated we will have to consider changes in city planning and archi tectural style as new towns came to be established in the nineteenth-century Spanish empire. Thus, we can see that Bonifacio was the voice for a silent revolution that had in fact begun sue decades earlier. Social scientists are trained to considered both the diachronic and the synchronic views of past cultures. However, as historical archaeologists dealing with the expansion of the European-centered world economy through the co lonialism of the early modern era, we need to contextualize these cultures against the larger world system of which they were a part 15 examine only one part of the system and, from that, to extrapolate our expectations would be erroneous and akin to the tail wagging the dog. Tbday the world is trans forming itself from that which was created some 150 years ago. As observers of this change, we need to examine how cultures are transformed as the larger system changes. The Spanish colonial empire was not static but was a dynamic system that reacted and changed in response to the ever-increasing world sys tem. The material legacy it left behind can be deciphered and its explanatory implications refined to help reveal how behavior was altered. The truly European-centered world economy has been a short-lived phenomenon based on the nineteenth- and twentieth-century hegemony of Great Britain and the United States. Tbday, however, it appears that the pendulum is swinging eastward once again, with the world of the twenty first century being based on an Asian-centered world economy. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I gratefully acknowledge the support of the National Endowment for the Humanities [Summer Stipend Program (FT-41096-95) 1995; Philip This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 68 Skowronek pines] and Santa Clara University [Thomas Tfcrry Research Grants (1992, Spain; 1995, Philippines] for the financial backing of part of the research presented here. The following individuals and institutions contributed to the ideas presented in this article, and I thank them for their assistance: the Philippine National Museum, for granting me access to its collections and for making me an Honorary Researcher in the Archaeology Division; Chief Wilfredo P. Ronquillo, Dr. Eusebio Dizon, Amalia de la Tbrre, Angel Bautista, and the other members of the Archaeology Division, National Museum of the Philippines, for their cooperation and friendship; Henry S. Tbtanes, Lecturer, Department of History, Ateneo de Manila University, for introducing me to the documentary collections housed at the Rizal Li brary; and the Institute of Philippine Culture, for granting me affiliation through their Visiting Research Associate Program?Dr. Romana E de los Reyes, Director, and Ms. Menchie M. Mendez, Administrative Assistant Institute of Philippine Culture. I especially thank Professor Fernando N. Zialcita, Chair, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Ateneo de Manila University, for his friendship and introduction to the colonial ar chitecture of Vigan and Manila. GCF Books and Butch Zialcita kindly gave permission for the reproduction of a number of the plans and elevations from Philippine Ancestral Houses. For the Guthe collections, I thank Dr. Henry Wright III, Liz Baccus, Masao Nishimura, and Andy Darling, Uni versity of Michigan, and Professor Laura Junkers, Vanderbilt University. In Guam and the Mariana Islands, I thank Dr. David J. Welch of Inter national Archaeological Research Institute, Inc. Thanks go also to Ms. Linda Longoria, Assistant to the Dean of Business, Santa Clara University, and the Leavey School of Business and Administration for their material and collegial support and to my colleagues in the Department of Anthro pology and Sociology for their support of my ongoing research. I am es pecially indebted to Charles Orser, Editor of the UHAy and Ms. Linda Shulsky for their suggestions regarding the revision of this work. REFERENCES CITED Aga-Oglu, K. (1946). Ying Ch'ing porcelain found in the Philippines. Art Quarterly Autumn: pp. 315-327. Aga-Oglu, K. (1948). Ming export blue and white jars in the University of Michigan collection. Art Quarterly, Summer: pp. 201-217. Alip, E. M. (1959). Ten Centuries of Philippine-Chinese Relations, Alip, Manila. Arenas, R. D. (1838). Report on the Commerce and Shipping of the Philippine Islands, E. Alzona, (trans.), 1979, National Historical Institute, Manila. 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Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology, Corpus Christi, TX. Wolf, E R. (1982). Europe and the People Without History, University of California Press, Berkeley. This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Spanish Philippines 71 Zialcita, E N., and Tinio, M. I., Jr. (1980). Philippine Ancestral Houses (1810-1930), GCF Books, Quezon City. This content downloaded from 128.97.27.20 on Sun, 28 Feb 2016 18:03:50 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 9781138704053C37.3D 698 [698–711] 20.3.2020 8:21AM 37 EAST AND SOUTHEAST ASIA AT THE AGE OF CONTACT Post-1500 archaeology of Asia Stephen Acabado and Ellen Hsieh Introduction East and Southeast Asia have a long history of contact with European cultures, particularly during the height of the maritime Silk Route trading in ca. the thirteenth century CE. Intensive interactions – and the subsequent European attempts to conquest – however, did not start until the early sixteenth century CE. The motivation for European exploration of East and Southeast Asia was fueled, initially, by the spice trade, and was soon followed by the need to control the production of goods that were in high demand in Europe and the desire to patriciate the intra-Asian trade. As such, the vast maritime seascapes of East and Southeast Asia (Figure 37.1) became the principal venue for the display of the might of the Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, British, and French armadas. In Southeast Asia, almost all the major polities – except Siam (present-day Thailand) – were placed under various colonial administrations. The colonization process resulted in rapid environmental change, characterized by the introduction of new agricultural products, the establishment of plantations (i.e., co?ee, tobacco), resettlement (e.g., reducción in the Philippines), the establishment of port cities, and urbanization. Indeed, these historical processes have shaped the contemporary socio-economic and socio-political dynamics in the area. However, archaeological investigations that focus on this particular period in the region have lagged behind other regions in the world. One reason could be the e?ort by current states to sponsor archaeological work that aims to provide detail about the deep histories of their people, thus highlighting national pride. In China, post-Song dynasty (960–1279 CE) archaeology is generally considered “too late” and not worth studying, except those related to maritime Silk Route (Wu, 2016). In mainland Southeast Asia and Indonesia, the presence of pre-contact mega-structures adds to the fascination to explore and document temples and ruins. In the Philippines and Taiwan, for a long time, archaeologists devoted themselves to reconstructing the dynamic of the pre-colonial societies. The only exception might be Japan, where early modern archaeology is practiced on a regular basis; the historical period consistently occupies a considerable portion of the annual reports published by the Japanese Archaeological Association. These investigations are recognized by Japanese historians as an alternative method to understand local histories. In this chapter, however, we mainly focus on research relating to European trade and colonial activities. 698 9781138704053C37.3D 699 [698–711] 20.3.2020 8:21AM East and SE Asia at the age of contact Figure 37.1 Map of East and Southeast Asia, highlighting countries mentioned in the text. A simple Boolean search on Google Scholar of the terms “archaeology + Asia + colonialism” for the period 2007–17 did not provide any signi?cant literature about archaeological research in East and Southeast Asia that focused on the post-contact period. The only noteworthy search result was Mizugochi’s (2016) work on the development of archaeology in Japan, where colonialism issues were highlighted. However, country-speci?c searches provided results (i.e., Spanish Philippines, Dutch Indonesia, Portuguese Asia), but are still limited in numbers. What is more glaring is the absence of archaeological work in the anthropological tradition, where the false dichotomy of colonized and uncolonized peoples is emphasized. Recent work in the Philippines and Taiwan (Acabado, 2017; Barretto-Tesoro and Hernandez, 2017; Beaule, 2017; Berrocal and Tsang, 2017; Hsieh, 2017a) seems to address this concern. In this chapter, we argue that post-1500 archaeology in East and Southeast Asia complements the deep historical tradition of the region. Although East and Southeast Asia have diverse experiences when it comes to colonialism, the e?ects of the European expansion in this area have shaped how contemporary populations identify themselves. A focus on post1500 archaeology provides a voice for the indigenous (Acabado, 2017; Lapeña and Acabado, 2017; Villanueva, 2009), emphasizing the multicultural nature of colonies in Asia (Beaule, 2017; Hsieh, 2017a, 2017b), and the drastic settlement changes that occurred soon after conquest (Barretto-Tesoro and Hernandez, 2017; Carlson and Jordan, 2013). Moreover, studies of Japanese and Chinese colonial activities in this region provide counterpoints to European colonialism, which create dialogues beyond the region. 699 9781138704053C37.3D 700 [698–711] 20.3.2020 8:21AM Stephen Acabado and Ellen Hsieh In the following section, we provide a survey of archaeological work that has been conducted in the last ?fteen years in the region. Work on this period in East and Southeast Asia seems to have gained pace since 2000, especially in the Philippines and Taiwan, where the “historical period” is considered to have started during European colonialism. Because of language limitations, a considerable amount of the studies of post-1500 archaeology in East and Southeast Asia are unknown to the Western world. Rather than a thorough survey, this chapter presents the scope of historical archaeology in East and Southeast Asia after the turn of the twenty-?rst century. Themes in post-1500 archaeology in East and Southeast Asia Most of the historical archaeology projects in Asia have been conducted in the form of rescue archaeology or cultural heritage management (e.g., Bautista, 2009; Bautista and Dalumpines, 2010; Chen, Chiu, and Lee, 2007/2008; Chen, Lee, and Lu, 2013; Jago-on, Cuevas, and Belmonte, 2003; Liu and Chao, 2010; Nagasaki City Board of Education, 2012 [1997]; Paz et al., 2013, 2014). Initially focusing on documenting colonial-era structures and identifying new archaeological assemblages, scholars have gradually explored the potential of the archaeology of the later period. The research has mostly focused on three types of sites: trade ports, colonial communities, and indigenous communities. Most of these studies are related to trade and colonial histories of the region. In addition to these three categories, scholars in Taiwan and Japan have also explored the archaeology of the modern period (i.e., twentieth century), rather than treating material from the top layer of sites as “disturbed” (Chen, 2012; J.-Y. Liu, 2011; Meta Archaeology Kenkyukai, 2005; Sakai, Liu, and Liu, 2010; Suzuki Kimio Seminar, 2007). In the past ?fteen years, the observed increase in process-oriented archaeological work that has focused on the historical period is a result of interest in the e?ects of European conquest in the region. We identi?ed three main themes, which appear to be the predominant research directions of historical archaeology in the region: the archaeology of port cities; the archaeology of colonial settler communities; and the archaeology of indigenous communities. These directions, if intensi?ed, would bring the historical archaeology of East and Southeast Asia into the global discussions on European colonialism. Archaeology of port cities The European expansion in Asia opened a new page of regional and global trading networks in the early modern world. Although European trade in maritime Asia was inseparable from the contribution of other ethnic groups, scholars tended to ignore the achievement of the latter because most of the surviving trade documents are European. The archaeology of port cities that developed during the European conquest of Asia should enhance our understanding of types of trade goods, the nature of trade activities, and the corresponding sociopolitical and socio-economic shifts in the region. Archaeology is in the best position to provide a more nuanced (or complementary) view of historic and cultural patterns; historical documents usually lack details about the movement of tradeware ceramics since these documents are preoccupied with details about silk, spice, and silver. The study of tradeware ceramics not only provides evidence of trade but also sheds light on new narratives that were not mentioned in European documents. For example, by identifying the lateseventeenth-century Japanese Hizen porcelain in Manila and the Americas, Nogami (2006, 2013, 2016, 2017a, 2017b) notes that although the Dutch were the only legal European 700 9781138704053C37.3D 701 [698–711] 20.3.2020 8:21AM East and SE Asia at the age of contact traders during the Sakoku period (1633–1853 CE) in Japan, they did not monopolize Japanese goods. Other ethnic groups, mainly private merchants from Southern China, actively facilitated the trade network between Nagasaki, Zeelandia, and Manila. Works in Vietnam and the Indonesian archipelago yield information about the development of trade centers dominated by local elites before and after the European contact era (Kikuchi, 2003, 2017; Sakai, 2002a, 2002b, 2007, 2011; Sakai and Ohashi, 2017; Wibisono, 2010). These studies do not just concentrate on the targeted trade ports but also employ a broad range of data from other production and consumption sites. They enrich our understanding of the complex trading networks, where primary and secondary ports as well as inland regions were interweaved, and remind us that the Europeans never dominated Asian waters during the early modern period. For example, Y. Kikuchi’s (2017) study highlights the importance of Vietnamese ceramics for Japanese and Indonesian markets during the second half of the seventeenth century when the Chinese porcelain industry was interrupted due to the turning of the dynasties. Nguyen-Long (1999) also suggests possible ceramic trade between Dutch Indonesia and the Southern Philippines. Sakai and Ohashi’s (2017) long-term investigation of trade ceramics on West Java and Sulawesi remind us that the Islamic networks were active and could compete with the Dutch power during the early modern period. Ongoing research of the late capital of Cambodia is exploring the connection between Cambodia and the outside world after the decline of the Khmer Empire (Nara National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, 2015; Sato, 2016). The development of trade in the post-1500 CE world not only impacted communities under the shadow of European powers (see below) but also stimulated new cultures in Japan and China. The best example of this might be the establishment of the Japanese tea ceremony during the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, which was in?uenced by ceramics from China and mainland Southeast Asia (Bui, 2010; Morimura, 2002). In China, porcelain customized for foreigners was incorporated into traditional funeral rituals along the transportation routes between kiln sites and ports (Li, 2012). In addition, Spanish silver coins found in the coastal region of Southern China shed light on how local communities incorporated them into the local economic system (M. Liu, 2015, 2017). Research focusing on port cities and tradeware ceramics is also complemented by studies on kiln sites (e.g., Arita Board of Education, 2012; Fujian Museum and Huaan County Museum, 2016; Fujian Provincial Museum, 1997; History and Folklore Museum of Arita, 2013; Li, 2007; 2010; Nogami, 2017a; Society of Kyushu Early Modern Ceramic Study, 2010). The export-oriented ceramics produced in these kilns were not distributed domestically thus local communities had no knowledge about these products until archaeologists rediscovered the abandoned kilns. The study of kiln sites not only enhances the identi?cation of ceramic materials discovered at consumption sites within and beyond Asia but also sheds light on the circulation of information and technology in Asia. For example, art historians used to assume that the so-called “Swatow ware,” a type of relatively low-quality ceramics that imitated the decorative styles of the popular Jingdezhen export porcelain, was made in Guangdong and shipped from Shantou. The discovery of the Zhangzhou kiln complex in the mountain area of Fujian province revised this narrative: it was the Zhangzhou potters who worked closely with Hokkien merchants and used local ?ring technology to produce Jingdezhen-like products to share with the growing international markets (Fujian Provincial Museum, 1997). Apart from trade ceramics production, studies of kiln types in Ayutthaya show that the ?ring technology of domestic bricks and tiles was in?uenced by the transplanted Chinese communities in the seventeenth century (Yukongdi, 2009). 701 9781138704053C37.3D 702 [698–711] 20.3.2020 8:21AM Stephen Acabado and Ellen Hsieh Archaeology of colonial settler communities The archaeology of European settler sites in Asia, including churches, fortresses, trade houses and residential sites, reveals multifaceted features of the lives of the Europeans, which were rarely addressed in historical documents (e.g., Chen, 2017; Chen, Lu, and Hsieh, 2008; Y.-C. Liu et al., 2011; Sihamat, 2011; Ueda, 2015; Wibisono, 2011; Yamaguchi, 2015). Among these Ueda (2015, 2017) compares the ceramic assemblages discovered within the Dutch forts and the nearby Surosowan Palace and indicates that the foodways of the Dutch soldiers were profoundly in?uenced by the local Bantenese culture, rather than the other way round. Similar circumstances could be found in Dejima, the Dutch enclave in Nagasaki, Japan. In the Philippines, Hsieh (2017a) compares four archaeological sites within the Spanish Manila and the results yielded substantial evidence of socio-economic inequality among the Spanish colonists. Far from the capital, Paz’s (2006) geoarchaeological study of the old colonial town of Bulalacao, Mindoro Island, challenges the traditional narrative of Moro raids and suggests that the drastic change in the environment should be considered the main reason behind the abandonment of the site. In addition, through the discovery of clay pipes at the visita, he also discusses the possible illegal tobacco production during the monopoly period between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Archaeologists have also explored other unique colonial structures in Asia. By using ?eld observation and GIS tools, Carlson and Jordan (2013) argue that Groot Walling, a nutmeg plantation compound in the Banda Islands, was not designed for surveillance, as observed in similar Dutch colonial structures in other parts of the world. In addition, Berrocal et al.’s (2017) research discovered a monumental Spanish church site in San Salvador de Isla Hermosa, northern Taiwan, demonstrating a unique colonial setting unknown to other places. Furthermore, cross-regional comparisons have been explored for better understanding of how the European colonial empires functioned. For example, Chang (2017) connected the archaeology of sites relating to the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the Dutch West India Company (WIC) in order to encourage scholars to “dig locally, think globally.” In addition, by comparing ceramic assemblages from Spanish Manila with other Spanish colonial sites in the Americas and Dutch colonial sites in Asia, Hsieh (2017a) suggests that the absence of majolica ware and decorative tiles in Manila correlates with unique colonial strategies of the Spanish in Asia. In addition to the study of European colonial heritage, sites of Chinese and Japanese traders as well as imported workers remind us that colonization was not the monopoly of the Europeans in Asian waters. In some port cities, the quarters of particular trade diasporas were explored, highlighting the multi-ethnic nature of most of the trade centers. For instance, S. Kikuchi’s (2003) study of the Japanese town at H?i An and Hsieh’s (2017a) study of the early Chinatown in Manila demonstrate the connections between the local-but-not-indigenous traders and their hometown as well as their strategies in the new environment. Jordan (2016) examines the material culture associated with foodways from plantations in Banta and notes that the colonial population with European, Asian and African backgrounds did not result in ethnogenesis, as was interpreted in multiple cases in the Americas. In Taiwan, in addition to studying Dutch- and Spanish-related sites, archaeologists have also investigated the colonial activities of the Chinese and the Japanese, re?ecting the diverse colonial past of the country. For example, the archaeological evidence of the manufacturing of the particular earthenware vessels for sugar production details one of the most important early industries of the Chinese population in Taiwan as early as the seventeenth century (Lu, 2004). The study of bricks excavated in Taipei City reveals drastic landscape changes in the island’s capital between the Qing dynasty and the Japanese period (J.-Y. Liu, 2011). 702 9781138704053C37.3D 703 [698–711] 20.3.2020 8:21AM East and SE Asia at the age of contact Similarly, Chao and Chung (2012) looked at the Japanese period and compared ceramic cups excavated from two sites of Japanese teachers’ dormitories in Taipei and Hualien (a Japanese immigrant town on the east coast of Taiwan) and note that the teachers living in Hualien tended to use cups of a more traditional, elegant style to highlight their educated background among other Japanese. C. J. Cheng (2011) and A. Cheng (2017) have focused on aboriginal management facilities in the mountainous region during the Japanese period (i.e., barrier defense lines and the police stations), which re?ect the identities of the colonists as well as their interaction with indigenous people. Cheng and Hsieh (2013) examined the construction, destruction, and reuse of the military dependents’ villages in Taiwan and suggest that the change of the values of these particular post-war settlements in the past sixty years re?ected the shifts of the identity of Taiwanese society. Archaeology of indigenous communities The historical archaeology of indigenous communities undoubtedly provides the space for “people without history” (Wolf, 1997 [1982]) to express their experiences and lived history. Some studies connect the deep history and recent history, which would demonstrate the long-term dynamics among indigenous communities; others evaluate cultural continuity and change under foreign colonial power. For example, Kuo (2017) and (Y.-C. Liu, 2017) use archaeological materials from the lowland area of central Taiwan to join the debate of the “Favorlang” people, a term only used in seventeenth-century Dutch records that confused historians, ethnologists, and linguists for decades. In East Timor, Chao (2007) documents the pre-historical and historical settlements and states that the sandalwood trade between the local populations and the Portuguese in?uenced the settlement pattern in Manatuto. During the ?ourishing time of trade (between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries), the settlements were concentrated on the tops of several hills next to the river mouth, where people could conduct trade and defend against raiding at the same time. In the central Philippines, Li (2013) argues that the decline of the quality of Chinese trade porcelain during the Spanish colonial period indicates a recon?guration of power and trade pattern in the region at the beginning of the European arrival, whereas Smith (2014) and Skowronek (2017) state that there was no dramatic change in the region before the eighteenth century. In Taiwan, several studies focusing on how indigenous communities consumed introduced materials during the new phase of exchange (Chang, 2012; Li et al., 2010; Wang and Liu, 2007) looked at earthenware pipes from the resident context, Hsieh’s (2012) work on trade ceramics, and Wang’s (2011) research on ornaments from the burial context of the Kiwulan site in northeast Taiwan all highlight how traditional values led to the preference for foreign goods, indicating the agency of the Kavalan people under the rule of the Spanish. Issues of colonial pressures among indigenous Formosans have also been investigated. For example, C. J. Cheng (2011) focuses on the development of the cultural landscape in the mountain area of Taiwan, from the traditional territory of the Bunun people to the governmental controls during the Qing and the Japanese periods. In addition, Guo (2017) demonstrates the dynamic of the settlements of the Siraya people and the Chinese in the plain of southern Taiwan from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries. More importantly, archaeological evidence has revised the passive stereotypes of the colonized, semi-colonized, or even uncolonized indigenous communities in some case studies. On the one hand, some studies highlight the continuity of traditional culture under 703 9781138704053C37.3D 704 [698–711] 20.3.2020 8:21AM Stephen Acabado and Ellen Hsieh colonialism. For example, in the Philippines, Mijares et al. (2007) note the limitation of the Spanish in?uence and control among the Cebuano during the early colonial period by studying the orientation of the indigenous graves and grave goods next to Fort San Pedro in Cebu, which were similar to the type employed during the pre-colonial era. This case was mirrored in northeast Taiwan where the Spanish colonization changed the maritime network but did not have signi?cant impacts on indigenous Kavalan communities (Hsieh, 2012). In addition, Villanueva (2009, p. 228) also documents a pattern where the initial establishment of Fort Santa Catalina on Lubang Island, Mindoro, Philippines, was based on indigenous forti?cation designs. He argues that these types of design continuity are manifestations of the complex cross-cultural interactions between indigenous polities with di?erent groups, including Europeans. As for the later colonial period, although the archaeology of Pinagbayanan, southwest Luzon, yielded evidence of reducción (Barretto-Tesoro, 2015), Barretto-Tesoro and Hernandez (2017) argue that the geoarchaeological evidence suggests that the Spanish documents’ description of ?ooding, which led to the edict to abandon the town, was a myth promoted by the parish priest. Instead, the ?oods were not as catastrophic as the Spanish documents suggest since only a small area of the town was ?ooded. Thus, they stress that the ?oods exemplify the resilience of indigenous values and knowledge of the landscape, which empowered the local elites to negotiate with the colonial authority and resist relocation to the new reducción site. On the other hand, some investigations force us to rethink the dominant historical narratives, particularly on how indigenous peoples actively respond to colonialism. Living close to the colonists, Hsieh (2017a) observes simultaneous change and continuity of the Tagalog earthenware tradition from the late pre-colonial era to the present. She points out that to ?nd the invisible lowland indigenous communities around the Manila area, the early modernity of the natives that was developed via actively sharing space and material culture with the Spanish and the Chinese should be considered. She also urges scholars to rethink the relationship between material culture, ethnicity, identity, and labor relationships in colonial contexts, particularly against the backdrop of globalization. In the highlands of northern Luzon Acabado (2013, 2015, 2017) showed that rather than living in a frozen past, the unconquered Ifugao region faced dramatic changes during the Spanish colonial period. The development of the rice terraces (Figure 37.2) and the associated increase in tradeware ceramics, beads, and prestige fauna suggest that the population expanded, shifted its subsistence base (from taro to wet rice), and the political organization appears to become more complex (Acabado, 2009, 2010). The increasing demand for domesticated pigs for ritual feasting consolidated Ifugao communities, which was essential for successfully resisting Spanish conquest (Lapeña and Acabado, 2017). Acabado (2017, p. 2) referred to the concept of pericolonialism for groups who were not directly colonized by a foreign force, but that show parallel culture change with groups who were directly colonized. Changes such as economic intensi?cation, political centralization or development of complexity, shifts in denser settlement patterns, and increasing inequality characterized conquered groups. He argues that the impact of colonialism precipitated similar processes in pericolonial areas to counter the threat of conquest. More generally, the concept provides a heuristic model to break the false dichotomy between the colonized and the uncolonized; a decolonizing methodological approach. 704 9781138704053C37.3D 705 [698–711] 20.3.2020 8:21AM East and SE Asia at the age of contact Figure 37.2 The Ifugao Rice Terraces, northern Luzon, Philippines. These agricultural marvels were once thought to be at least 2,000 years old. Recent archaeological investigations in the region have established the later inception of these terraces; a dating that is associated with the arrival of the Spanish conquest of the Philippines. Current models suggest that the builders of the terraces moved up to the interior of the mountain range to consolidate economic and political resources, allowing them to resist multiple attempts by the Spanish at conquest. Conclusions and perspectives In this chapter, we attempted to provide a brief survey of research on historical archaeology in East and Southeast Asia, highlighting work conducted in the Philippines, Taiwan, Japan, and Indonesia. As this chapter indicates, the region lags behind research on culture contact and post-1500 CE investigations. However, the few documented research programs seem to be leading the way for broader treatment of the dynamics of local populations in East and Southeast Asia and Europeans. The recent work also addresses the call of Paynter (2000) to focus on anthropologically framed research questions to develop stronger historical archaeology (Deagan, 1988, p. 7). Going beyond mere description allows us to have a nuanced understanding of the processes that shaped colonialism and, more importantly, this approach provides an avenue for the participation of indigenous peoples and descendant communities in the research process. Research on historical archaeology also bridges the gap between identity and the past, as cultural identity (ethnogenesis) of colonized peoples are usually molded by colonial institutions (sensu Voss, 2008). As small as it may seem, the works cited in this chapter o?er a guide to a research program that promises to shape the future of historical archaeology in the region. We listed three major research themes that scholars mostly focus on: the archaeology of port cities; the archaeology of colonial settler communities; and the archaeology of indigenous communities. Due to the characteristics of trade and colonial activities in this region, cross-regional/national comparative studies have been the norm. Some studies have highlighted the di?erence between European 705 9781138704053C37.3D 706 [698–711] 20.3.2020 8:21AM Stephen Acabado and Ellen Hsieh colonial patterns in Asia and other areas (Berrocal et al., 2017; Hsieh, 2017a; Jordan, 2016; Ueda, 2015). However, instead of establishing an “Asian model,” it is better to contextualize investigations, as Jordan (2016) and Hsieh (2017a) have argued. In any case, the present scholarship has shown that approaching historical archaeology through these themes would break the false dichotomy between the colonized and the uncolonized, empower descendant/indigenous communities, enhance local and global histories, and involve the region in the global discussions about the diverse ways various peoples respond to colonialism. There are, of course, other topics and materials that could be explored. For example, this review chapter reminds us that studies that focus on coastal regions dominate the scholarship compared to those researches that look at hinterland processes; there are also more investigations that look at exotic goods rather than locally made products among the post-1500 CE archaeology in East and Southeast Asia (Miksic, 2011). We envision that in the next ?fteen years, this ?eld will continue to develop and have more dialogues with the West. 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