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Practice File 4

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Practice File 4.1—Words and Word Formation: The Nature of the Lexicon Exercises 1. Refer to the drawing at the beginning of this chapter. What does this drawing indicate about the morphological structure of the word morphology itself? What do the morphemes that make up the word mean? List five other words containing at least one of these morphemes. 2. The following words are made up of either one or two morphemes. Isolate the morphemes and ­decide for each if it is free or bound, what kind of affix, if any, is involved (i.e., is it a prefix or a suffix?), and (where applicable) if the affix is inflectional or derivational. a. cats b. unhappy c. rejoin d. catsup e. milder f. hateful g. succotash h. bicycle i. greedy j. entrust k. signpost l. spacious 3. Divide the words below into their component morphemes and give the information about the morphemes as you did in (2). (Note: Words may consist of one, two, or more than two morphemes.) a. comfortable b. Massachusetts c. environmentally d. reconditioned e. unidirectional f. senseless g. thickeners h. nationalization i. unspeakably 4. In each group of words that follows two words have the same morphological structure, one has a different suffix from those two, and one has no suffix at all. Your task is to tell which two words have the same suffix, which one has a different suffix, and which has no suffix at all. Having done this, tell the meaning of each suffix. (You may find that they become more difficult as you go along.) Example: rider colder silver smoker -­ er is a derivational suffix meaning ‘one who. . . .’ -­ er is an inflectional suffix marking the comparative. There is no suffix. This is the same -­er as in rider. a. nicer c. friendly e. youngster g. nifty painter sadly faster ducky runner softly monster thrifty feather silly gangster lucky b. intolerant d. sons f. wrestling h. given intelligent lens handling maven inflame vans fling wooden incomplete runs duckling taken 184 File 4.6  Practice 187 14. Refer to image (7) in File 2.7. Explain, as specifically as you can, how the form for the uninflected sign MEET differs from the form of the inflected sign I MEET YOU. What is the simultaneous affix that is used in the sign I MEET YOU? 15.iii. In Hebrew, the following pattern is found in the derivation of color terms. (Pay particular attention to the consonants; the vowel change is not as important to this data set.) Which morphological process is this an example of? How do you know? [lavan] [kaxol] [jaγok] [tsahov] [vaγod] [ Saxoγ] ‘white’ ‘blue’ ‘green’ ‘yellow’ ‘pink’ ‘black’ [lvanvan] [kxalxal] [jγakγak] [tshavhav] [vγadγad] [ Saxaγxaγ] ‘whitish’ ‘bluish’ ‘greenish’ ‘yellowish’ ‘pinkish’ ‘blackish’ ii. The Hebrew word for ‘red’ is [adom]. Based only on the data above, what would you predict the word for ‘reddish’ to be? iii. The actual Hebrew word for ‘reddish’ is [admumi]. Is this word at all similar to what you predicted? If so, how? Can you guess a reason for why the actual word might be different from what you predicted? (Do not attempt to explain why it takes the form that it does; just try to explain why the expected pattern may have failed.) Discussion Questions 16. iii. Look again at the data given in Exercise 15 and consider this new fact: the Hebrew word for the color ‘violet’ is [sagol]. Based only on the data above, what would you expect that the word [sgalgal] would mean? iiiii. The word [sgalgal] actually means ‘oval.’ Can you think of any examples in English or some other language where you might predict, based on morphological prin-ciples, that a form would mean one thing, but in fact it turns out to mean something else? What do these sorts of cases tell us about morphology and the lexicon of a language? 17. Assume that the English word raspberry can be analyzed into rasp + berry and cranberry into cran + berry. Discuss how these two words behave differently from other morphologically complex English words. Is this process more like affixation, or is it more like compounding? How is this process similar to each? How is it different from each? Activity 18. There are some cases in English where a certain ­adjective-­noun pair has become a compound noun for some speakers but is still two separate words for others. One of these is cream cheese. Some speakers put a stress only on the first syllable, while others treat it as two words and give each its own stress. Construct a survey: • Choose a number of noun-­adjective pairs that are compound nouns for you or one of your classmates. Your goal will be to find out how other people pronounce these: as compounds or as separate words. • Design questions such that you do not have to say the word yourself (thereby biasing the person responding); for example, “What do you call the white spread that people eat on bagels?” • Collaborate with others in your class: each of you should ask your set of questions to some number of people (to be specified by your instructor). • Afterwards, share your findings with your classmates. File 4.6  Practice 191 i. Give the Turkish morpheme that corresponds to each of the following translations; two blanks indicate two allomorphs: ‘elephant’ ‘circus’ ‘tiger’ ‘acrobat’ ‘to’ ‘from’ ‘of’ ‘my’ ‘our’ (plural marker) ii. What is the order of morphemes in a Turkish word (in terms of noun stem, plural marker, etc.)? iii. How would one say ‘to my circus’ and ‘from our tigers’ in Turkish? 31. Luiseño Examine the following data from Luiseño, a Uto-Aztecan language of Southern California, and answer the questions that follow. a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. j. k. l. [nokaamaj] [?oki] [potaana] [?ohuukapi] [?otaana] [noki] [?omkim] [nokaamajum] [popeew] [?opeew] [?omtaana] [tSamhuukapi] ‘my son’ ‘your house’ ‘his blanket’ ‘your pipe’ ‘your blanket’ ‘my house’ ‘your (pl.) houses’ ‘my sons’ ‘his wife’ ‘your wife’ ‘your (pl.) blanket’ ‘our pipe’ m. n. o. p. q. r. s. t. u. v. w. x. [pokaamaj] [poki] [notaana] [pohuukapi] [nohuukapi] [?okaamaj] [pompeewum] [pomki] [tSampeewum] [tSamhuukapim] [?omtaanam] [pomkaamaj] ‘his son’ ‘his house’ ‘my blanket’ ‘his pipe’ ‘my pipe’ ‘your son’ ‘their wives’ ‘their house’ ‘our wives’ ‘our pipes’ ‘your (pl.) blankets’ ‘their son’ i. Give the Luiseño morpheme that corresponds to each English translation. Note that the plural marker has two allomorphs; list them both. ‘son’ ‘house’ ‘blanket’ ‘wife’ ‘my’ ‘his’ ‘your (sg.)’ ‘your (pl.)’ ‘their’ (plural marker) ‘pipe’ ‘our’ ii. Are the allomorphs of the plural marker phonologically conditioned? iii. If so, what are the conditioning environments? 32. Quiché Some sentences from Quiché, a Native American language spoken in Guatemala, Central America, are given with their English translation in (a)–(h). Analyze the morphemes in these sentences and then fill in the exercises that follow the language data. Note that [x] is a voiceless velar fricative. a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. Quiché English [ki?sikíx le líbr] [kusikíx le líbr] [ki?wetamáx le kém] [kataxín ki?wetamáx le kém] [kataxín kawetamáx le kém] [ Si?wetamáx] [ Suwetamáx le kém] [ Sasikíx le líbr iwír] ‘I read (present tense) the book’ ‘He reads the book’ ‘I learn the (art of) weaving’ ‘I continually learn the (art of) weaving’ ‘You continually learn the (art of) weaving’ ‘I learned (it)’ ‘He learned the (art of) weaving’ (cont.) ‘You read the book yesterday’ File 4.6  Practice 195 ii. What is the order of morphemes in Swahili (in terms of subject, object, verb, and tense)? iii. Give the Swahili word for the following English translations: • ‘I have beaten them.’ • ‘They are beating me.’ • ‘They have annoyed me.’ • ‘You have beaten us.’ • ‘We beat them.’ • ‘I am paying him/her.’ iv. Give the English translation for the following Swahili words. • • • • [atanilipa] [utawapiga] [walikupenda] [nimemsumbua] 39. Sanskrit Examine the following data from Sanskrit, a classical language of India. Abbreviations are for case (use in the sentence) and number (singular, plural). ‘s? ’ is a retroflex. a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. j. k. manas manasi manasa? manobhis manasas manasa?m manase manobhyas vapus vapus? a? vapurbhis ‘mind (nom.sg./stem)’ l. vapus? e ‘mind (loc.sg.)’ m. vapurbhyas ‘mind (inst.sg.)’ n. vapus? as ‘mind (inst.pl.)’ o. vapus? a?m ‘mind (gen.sg.)’ p. suhavis ‘mind (gen.pl.)’ q. suhavis? a? ‘mind (dat.sg.)’ r. suhavirbhis ‘mind (dat.pl.)’ s. suhavis? e ‘wonder (nom.sg./stem)’ t. suhavirbhyas ‘wonder (inst.sg.)’ u. suhavis? as ‘wonder (inst.pl.)’ v. suhavis? i ‘wonder (dat.sg.)’ ‘wonder (dat.pl.)’ ‘wonder (gen.sg.)’ ‘wonder (gen.pl.)’ ‘devout (nom.sg./stem)’ ‘devout (inst.sg.)’ ‘devout (inst.pl.)’ ‘devout (dat.sg.)’ ‘devout (dat.pl.)’ ‘devout (gen.sg.)’ ‘devout (loc.sg.)’ i. What are the Sanskrit morphemes for the following? ___ gen.sg. ___ inst.sg. ___ gen.pl. ___ inst.pl. ___ dat.sg. ___ loc.sg. ___ dat.pl. ii. What are the allomorphs for ‘mind’, ‘wonder’, and ‘devout’? iii. What are the conditioning environments here for the allomorphs? iv. Based on the data given here, what morphological type of language is Sanskrit? (See File 4.3.) Briefly explain your answer. 40. Zoque Examine the following data from Zoque, a language spoken in Mexico, and answer the subsequent questions. a. b. c. d. e. f. [kenu] [sihku] [wihtu] [ka?u] [cihcu] [sohsu] ‘he looked’ ‘he laughed’ ‘he walked’ ‘he died’ ‘it tore’ ‘it cooked’ g. h. i. j. k. l. [kenpa] [sikpa] [witpa] [ka?pa] [cicpa] [sospa] ‘he looks’ ‘he laughs’ ‘he walks’ ‘he dies’ ‘it tears’ ‘it cooks’ i. What is the Zoque morpheme indicating the present tense? ii. For each verb, give the meaning and list the allomorphs of the stem. (cont.) Morphology 196 iii. Given any Zoque verb with two stem allomorphs, what morphological category ­determines the choice of stem? That is, how do you know which stem to use when? iv. Describe the relationship between the stem allomorphs in terms of phonological form. v. Is there a Zoque morpheme meaning ‘he’ or ‘it’? 41. Serbo-Croatian Examine the following data from Serbo-Croatian, a Slavic language spoken in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, and Serbia, and answer the questions below. The data are given in standard Roman orthography. a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. j. k. l. m. n. svirati diram gledanje gledaju stanujem stanovati kupuju kupujem kupovanje nazivati sviram gledam gledati stanuju ‘to play’ (infinitive) ‘I touch’ ‘the watching’ ‘they watch’ ‘I live’ ‘to live’ (infinitive) ‘they buy’ ‘I buy’ ‘the buying’ ‘to call’ (infinitive) ‘I play’ ‘I watch’ ‘to watch’ (infinitive) ‘they live’ o. p. q. r. s. t. u. v. w. x. y. z. aa. bb. kupovati dirati sviranje sviraju diraju nazivanje gladovati gladovanje gladujem gladuju diranje stanovanje nazivam nazivaju ‘to buy’ (infinitive) ‘to touch’ (infinitive) ‘the playing’ ‘they play’ ‘they touch’ ‘the calling’ ‘to starve’ (infinitive) ‘the starving’ ‘I starve’ ‘they starve’ ‘the touching’ ‘the living’ ‘I call’ ‘they call’ i. What is the first-person singular present tense suffix? ii. What is the third-person plural present tense suffix? iii. What is the infinitival suffix? iv. What is the suffix that turns verbal stems into deverbal nouns like the living or the calling? v. Some verbal stems above have exactly the same form regardless of which suffix is added to them (e.g., sviram, sviraju, svirati, sviranje), while other verbal stems have one form when you add the first- or third-person present tense suffix to it, and a different form if it occurs with the infinitive or the noun-forming suffix (e.g., kupujem, kupuju vs. kupovati, kupovanje). If you look at the infinitive form of a verb in Serbo-Croatian, how can you tell whether the stem will stay the same or change when combined with the first- or third-person present tense suffix? Describe as precisely as you can how the form of these stems changes. vi. Given the answers you came up with for (i–v), fill in the blanks below. darovati ‘to give a present’ ‘they give a present’ razaram ‘I destroy’ ‘to destroy’ darujem razaranje ‘I give a present’ ‘the giving of a present' ‘they destroy’ ‘the destruction’ stvarati ‘to create’ ‘they create’ ‘I create’ ‘the creation’ ratuju ‘they wage war’ ‘to wage war’ ‘the waging of a war’ ‘I wage war’