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Final 2021 Jean Mark Gawron SDSU∗ May 6, 2021 1 Presupposition Give the presupppositions of each of the following sentences

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Final 2021 Jean Mark Gawron SDSU∗ May 6, 2021 1 Presupposition Give the presupppositions of each of the following sentences. For example (a) and (b) show that what you claim to be a presupposition is not just an ordinary entailment by using the test distinguishing presuppositions from entailments. 1.1. The dog caught a rabbit. 1.2. Maria didn’t come out of the cave. 1.3. Ellen noticed that there was a funny smell. 1.4. Fred acknowledged that he had been a boor. 1.5. Sue remembered that she had not turned off the stove. 2 Implicature 3 Part one: Entailments In this part one of the final, each problem contains a pair of sentences. Let’s call the first sentence (a) and the second (b). In each case (b) is an implication of (a). ∗ San Diego State University, Department of Linguistics and Oriental Languages, BAM 321, 5500 Campanile Drive, San Diego, CA 92182-7717, gawron@mail.sdsu.edu. 1 3.1. Say whether sentence (b) is an entailment of sentence (a) or an implicature of sentence (b) 3.2. Next provide evidence for your answer by attempting to cancel b. 3.3. Note: answers that do not provide evidence will receive zero credit. Evidence is a cancellation test with a judgement (cancellation failed or cancellation succeeded). You should review the solution to the implicature/scalar implicatures assignments, as well as the first part of the solution to the 2021 midterm. Both contain examples of the sort you will you need to generate in order to attempt to cancel an implication. 3.1 Entailment versus implicature 3.1. (a) Susan and Barb admired the painting. (b) Susan admired the painting. 3.2. (a) Fred wore blue sneakers. (b) Fred wore sneakers. 3.3. (a) Fred gave some of the children balloons. (b) Fred did not give all of the children balloons. 3.4. (a) Fred like the painting he had bought. (b) The painting Fred had bought pleased him. 3.5. (a) Susan boiled the water. (b) The water boiled. 3.6. (a) Fred likes either hot dogs or souvlaki. (b) Fred does not like both hot dogs and souvlaki. 3.7. (a) Fred is intelligent. (b) Fred is not brilliant. 3.8. (a) Lucy rolled the potato up the hill. 2 (b) There was a potato. 3.9. (a) Sandy liked Kim. (b) Sandy did not love Kim. 3.10. (a) Sandy exchanged phone numbers with Kim. (b) Kim exchanged phone numbers with Sandy. 3.2 Contraries versus Words on a Horn Scale For each of the following pairs of linguistic elements, decide whether the pair belongs to a Horn scale or are contraries. In either case give examples supporting your claim. If they are on a Horn Scale, write down the Horn scale as we have written every Horn scale in lecture, with the more informative element on the right. Then construct an example of a quantity implicature using the elements of your hypothesized Horn scale. For example, given all, some, you would write: h some, all i and construct an example like John ate some of the cookies implies he did not eat all of them. If you decide they are contraries, show they are mutually incompatible by constructing examples that show each word entails the negation of the other. For example, having made the claim that boring and interestin are contraries, you would rpovide the following evidence: i. This is an interesting movie. implies This is not a boring movie. ii. This is a boring movie implies This is not an interesting movie. Please be sure you look at the solution to the implicature and scalar implicature assignment before you try to answer this question. a. hot, cold b. like, love c. single, married d. mend, break e. cold, cool f. hot, warm 3 4 Lexical Conceptual Structure Give the Lexical Conceptual Structues for the following simple sentences. please be sure you look at the solution to the Chapter 10 Lexical Conceptual Structure assignment before you answer this question. (a) The water was hot., (b) The water heated. (c) Susan heated the water. (d) Susan admired the painting. (e) The children surprised Alice. (f) Alice was surprised at the children. (g) Judy set the glass on the coaster. 5 Polynesian sibling problem(Final) This problem is about three stages of development in Polynesian kinship terms. The data was first discussed in Hage (1999). In this problem you will be given Polynesian terms for siblings at three stages of development. You will be asked to give an analysis of the sibling terms at each stage of development. The direction of change is simplification. ProtoPolynesian starts with 4 sibling terms and ends up with 2. Here is an important clue: Start with the last stage. Propose an analysis of the two-word stage, then work backward up to the four-word stage. As you go backward in time you will need to add features. So the last stage is the simplest to describe. See the Seneca Kinship solution slides (slides 23-32) for ideas and for further discussion of the data presented here. What’s given here is what you need to solve the problem. But the slides fill in a little background. The slides also identify 2 solutions that are not satisfactory. 5.1 Stage I: The earliest in time The stars mean that these are historically reconstructed forms, but they all coexisted at one moment in time. 4 *tuaga’ne B for female ego *tuafafine S for male ego *tuakana B when older than male ego S when older than female ego *tahina B when younger than male ego S when younger than female ego This stage could be analyzed as follows: tuaga’ne " SEX ESEX tuakana ? SEX ? ?ESEX ? AGE | ~ tuafafine " # SEX ESEX ?? |? ? |?? ?ESEX + SEX AGE ~ ~?? ? + tahina ? SEX ? ?ESEX ? AGE ~ | # ?? |? ? |?? ?ESEX - SEX AGE ~ ~?? ? - Obviously the relation of ego’s sex to alter’s sex matters for these words. Obviously for one pair relative age of ego and alter also matters. This captures that. Yet it’s not the best analysis. 5 5.2 Polynesian Kinship terms: Stage II (4 → 3) *tuaga’ne B for female ego *tuafafine S for male ego *tahina B for male ego S for female ego A contrast is lost when one term disappears. We can analyze this by just removing that feature from the remaining term. Its extension expands to cover the territory of the lost term. Using the features above, we could describe this change as follows: tahina I ? SEX ? ?ESEX ? AGE tahina II ? " |? ?SEX ~? |?? ?ESEX ~? ?? - AGE SEX ESEX - | | #" SEX ESEX ~ ~ # This also works. 5.3 Stage III *tuaga’ne B for female ego S for male ego *tahina B for male ego S for female ego Since we didn’t describe the contrast that is lost with a single feature above, we can’t just remove that feature to describe the Stage III extension of tuaga’ne; tuaga’ne now covers the territory previously covered by tuafafine, both brothers of female ego and sisters of male egos. Quite natural. But with our non-ideal analysis, in order to cover that territory, tua’gane must become ambiguous. 6 tuaga’ne II " # SEX ESEX | ~ " SEX tuaga’ne III #" ESEX | ~ SEX ESEX ~ | # It is suggested you replace this analysis of this stage by proposing a single feature that captures this contrast. Then work backward to describe the other two stages of Polynesian byadding 1 feature for each stage. 5.4 What to do 5.1. Provide an analysis of the Polynesian kinship terms that avoids the descriptive problems discussed in slides 27 and 29. 5.2. What to turn in: Features analysis of the 4 terms in Stage I, the 3 terms in Stage II, and the 2 terms in Stage III. 5.3. Your analysis should solve the descriptive problems listed on the Descriptive Criticisms slide (slide 27): Ambiguity in the second row, two contrasting features in the first; no feature dimension distinguishing first row from second. 5.4. Requirements on your revised analysis: (5.4.1) No sibling term will be ambiguous at any of the three stages of development. (5.4.2) The change from Stage I to Stage II and the change from Stage II to Stage III will both involve the loss of a single feature. 5.5 Advice on the Polynesian sibling problem 5.1. Your feature boxes may leave out the feature values common to all the sibling terms (LINEAGE and GEN values). For example, this is what was done in the change from slide 25 to slide 26. 5.2. Be careful to include a definition of your new feature(s), even if they have been used in these slides, or on a homework problem. 5.3. Start with the last stage (Stage III), proporse an adeqautre analysis and work backward. 7 5.4. Be careful to remain observationally adequate (slide 25 is not observationally adequate): (5.4.1) Contrastiveness: The 4 sibling terms in Stage I have disjoint extensions. No single relative can be referred to by any 2 of the terms. Your feature analyses likewise be should likewise be distinct. In slide 25, the feature descriptions in the top row are compatible with the feature descriptions below them, so it isn’t clear, for example, why ego’s older tuaga’ne can’t also be ego’s tuakana. This is because there’s no feature that takes into account the relationship of ego’s sex to alter’s sex. There should be. (5.4.2) Subset principle: The extension of a word should be a subset of the extension of any of its feature values. (See these slides for examples of the subset principle). This is principle isn’t violated by the analyses on slide 25, but you should bear it in mind. References Hage, Per. 1999. Marking universals and the structure and evolution of kinship terminologies: Evidence from salish. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 423–441. 8 Outline 1 Homework examples Jean Mark Gawron ( SDSU ) Gawron: Assignment answers 2012-04-28 1 / 10 Chap 10, p. 236 Ex. 3 (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) Leander swam to the shore. The play alarmed Claudius Bottom delighted Titania Monica leaped over the wall. Gillian bumped the table. (f) (g) Boris laid the hat on the bed. The wind dried the washing. Jean Mark Gawron ( SDSU ) Manner of motion experiencer Object experiencer Objexct Manner of motion No motion entailed for table, like hit like put Related to Adj dry Gawron: Assignment answers 2012-04-28 2 / 10 Answers [skipping experiencers] (a) (d) (e) (f) (g) Leander swam to the shore do(l, [swim(l, [to(s)])]) Monica leaped over the wall. do(m, [leap(m, [over(w)])]) Gillian bumped the table. bump(g,t) (preps: into, up against, at) Boris laid the hat on the bed. b cause [become [be-at-lie(h, on(b))]] The wind (W) dried the washing (w). W cause [become [dry(w)]] Jean Mark Gawron ( SDSU ) Gawron: Assignment answers 2012-04-28 3 / 10 Discussion (a) (d) (e) (f) (g) swim, Basic Motion predicate, path included. do(l, [swim(l, [to(s)])]) to is the best test for a “motion” predicate. leap, Treated as motion predicate, passes test, note only starting method of motion specified (compare swim). do(m, [leap(m, [over(w)])]) bump, like hit bump(g,t) (preps: into, up against, at) * John bumped to the bed. lay: caused location verb, no paths, distance phrases b cause [become [be-at-lie(h, on(b))]] * Bill laid the hat to the bed. dry: verb, transitive use, caused inchoative. The washing dried. [become [dry(w)]] The washing was dry. [dry(w)] Jean Mark Gawron ( SDSU ) Gawron: Assignment answers 2012-04-28 4 / 10 Experiencer examples: homework (b) (c) (c’) The play alarmed Claudius Claudius was alarmed at/by the play. p cause [alarmed-at(c,p)] alarmed-at(c,p) Bottom delighted Titania (with his antics) (Experiencer Obj) b cause [delighted-at(t,b)] * Bottom very delighted Titania (Verb delighted) Titania was delighted with Bottom (Experiencer Subj) delighted-at(t,b) “was (very) delighted at” (Adj delighted) * Titania was delighted with Bottom with his antics Jean Mark Gawron ( SDSU ) Gawron: Assignment answers 2012-04-28 5 / 10 Subj/obj experiencers I dispense with feel, introduced in the text. Two kinds of experiencers a. b. a. b. c. d. John knows Mary Alice annoys Sue. John fears beans. Beans frighten John. John likes beans. Beans please John. know(j,m) a cause [annoyed(s))] frightened-of(j,b) b cause [frightened-of(j,b)] like(j,b) b cause [like(j,b)] Some feeling preds 1-place, some 2? Maybe not: Sue is annoyed at/with Alice. annoyed(s,a)] Alice annoys Sue. a cause [annoyed(s,a)] Jean Mark Gawron ( SDSU ) Gawron: Assignment answers 2012-04-28 6 / 10 Chap 10, p. 237 Ex. 4a-d (a) The cliff dripped water. (b) Water dripped from the cliff (c) Lucinda wove a wreath from the twigs. Lucinda wove the twigs into a wreath. (d) Jean Mark Gawron ( SDSU ) drip related to what basic primitive? Motion predicate? ? The water dripped 6 ft. Use make primitive? wreath obligatory! Gawron: Assignment answers 2012-04-28 7 / 10 Ex. 4(a-d), Possible answers Neither a motion pred nor caused motion (a) (b) (c) (d) The cliff dripped water. do(c, [emit(c, w)]) ∧ liquid(w) Water dripped from the cliff do(c, [emit(c, w)]) & go(w,[from(c)]) ∧ liquid(w) Lucinda wove a wreath from the twigs do(l, [weave(l,w)]) & go(t,[into(Ftrans (w))]) Lucinda wove the twigs into a wreath. do (l, [weave(l,w)]) & go(w, [from(Ftrans (t))]) Motion theme becomes subj in (g) and obj in (h) and (i). A component for verbs of making make(l, w) by-means-of do(l, [weave(l,t)]) & go(w, [from(Ftrans (t))]) Jean Mark Gawron ( SDSU ) Gawron: Assignment answers 2012-04-28 8 / 10 Possible answers Ex 4(e,f) Some verbs clearly specify the cause activity rather than anything about the motion itself; for other verbs it is less obvious what is specified. Caused motion preds? (e) (f) Selena emailed the news to Luke. do(s ,[email(s,n)]) cause [go(n,to(l)]] Cheryl wiped the spots from the window. do(c ,[wipe(c,w)]) cause [go(s,off(w)]] Claim: wipe does not allow general path phrases (to) or distance phrases. This suggests a put type treatment: do(c ,[wipe(c,w)]) cause [become [be-at(s, [off(w)]]] Jean Mark Gawron ( SDSU ) Gawron: Assignment answers 2012-04-28 9 / 10 Chap 10, p. 237 Ex. 7: Two agents A preliminary solution a. b. the pony jumped over the brook. do(p, [do(p, [jump(p, [over(b)])])]) Viola jumped the pony over the brook. v cause do(p, do(p, [jump(p, [over(b)])])) But this solution does not make it clear why the path phrase should be obligatory in the induced action construction. Put type analysis [location obligatory] v cause [become [be-at(p, over(b))]] by-means-of v cause do(p, do(p, [jump(p)])) Bonus: *Viola jumped the pony to the goal post (cf march) Jean Mark Gawron ( SDSU ) Gawron: Assignment answers 2012-04-28 10 / 10 Polynesian sibling problem(Final) Polynesian sybling terms: three stages of development nae 23/32 4021 Proto-Polynesian Kinship: 4 sybling words Hage (1999): 4 terms covering brother and sister, not two. *tuaga'ne B for female ego *tuafafine S for male ego *tuakana B when older than male ego S when older than female ego *tahina B when younger than male ego S when younger than female ego nae 24 / 32 Polynesian kinship analysis: Problematic analysis tuaga'ne tuafafine LIN [ LIN DIRECT DIRECT o SEX SEX 9 0 GEN 0 GEN tuakana tahina LIN DIRECT LIN SEX SEX ? 0 DIRECT ? 0 GEN GEN AGE + AGE Observationally inadequate: Does not capture extensions of term; does not explain how the terms in the second row contrast with those in the first row. nae 25/32 Polynesian kinship analysis: Observationally adequate tuaga'ne tuafafine LIN DIR LIN DIR SEX SEX 9 o ESEX ESEX ? 0 GEN GEN 0 tuakana tahina LIN DIR LIN DIR LIN DIR LIN DIR SEX SEX SEX SEX O o o' o' ESEX ESEX ESEX 0 GEN 0 ESEX 0 GEN 0 GEN 0 GEN 0 AGE + AGE + AGE AGE 29 26/32 u21 Polynesian kinship analysis: Descriptive criticism tuaga'ne tuafafine SEX SEX ? ? :) ESEX ESEX tuakana tahina SEX SEX SEX SEX ESEX o ESEX ESEX 0 1 ESEX 0 AGE + AGE + - AGE AGE Ambiguity in the second row, two contrasting features in the first; no feature dimension distinguishing first row from second. nae 27 / 32 Polynesian Kinship terms: Stage 11 (4 3) *tuaga'ne B A contrast is loss when one for female ego term disappears. We just re- *tuafafine s move that feature from the for male ego remaining term. Its exten- *tahina B sion expands to cover the for male ego territory of the lost term. S for female ego tahina | tahina 11 SEX SEX SEX SEX ESEX O ESEX 0 ESEX O ESEX AGE AGE ? Q 28/32 Polynesian Kinship terms: Stage III (3 + 2) *tuaga'ne B for female ego S for male ego *tahina B for male ego S for female ego Since we didn't describe the contrast that is lost with a single feature, we can't re- move that feature to de- scribe the Stage III extension of tuaga'ne. It becomes am- biguous. tuaga'ne 11 tuaga'ne 111 SEX SEX SEX ESEX 2 ? ] E ? o ESEX 2 ESEX sae 29/32 Development of Polynesian Sybling terms Stage 1 -tuakana 1 ego o ego Younger ? tuafafine tuaga'ne -tahinaa o Stage 11 ego o ego o tuafafine tuaga'ne -tahinaa- b Stage III o ego otuaga'ne o ego -tahinaa ac 30/32 Polynesian sybling problem Redo the observationally adequate analysis of Polynesian kinship terms so that it deals with some of the descriptive problems discussed in the last few slides. What to turn in: Features analysis of the 4 terms in Stage I, the 3 terms in Stage II, and the 2 terms in Stage III. * Your analysis should solve the descriptive problems listed on the Descriptive Criticisms slide (slide 51): Ambiguity in the second row, two contrasting features in the first; no feature dimension distinguishing first row from second. * Requirements on your revised analysis: * No sybling term will be ambiguous at any of the three stages of development. The change from Stage I to Stage II and the change from Stage II to Stage III will both involve the loss of a single feature. 32 Advice on the Polynesian sybling problem Your feature boxes may leave out the feature values common to all the sybling terms (LINEAGE and GEN values). For example, this is what was done in the change from slide 50 to slide 51. Be careful to include a definition of your new feature(s), even if they have been used in these slides, or on a homework problem. Be careful to remain observationally adequate (slide 31): Contrastiveness: The 4 sybling terms in Stage I have disjoint extensions. No single relative can be referred to by any 2 of the terms. Your feature analyses likewise be should likewise be distinct. That is, the feature boxes for each of the 4 terms should disagree in some way with the features of the other 3. Subset principle: The extension of a word should be a subset of the extension of any of its feature values. (See these slides for examples of the subset principle).