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Philosophy 1301: Exam Three Please follow all directions below

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Philosophy 1301: Exam Three Please follow all directions below. You may write this exam on any word processor you choose at your own pace. Please answer everything clearly and completely. There is no limit on length—you should answer everything thoroughly. Format your exam such as that each answer is given in the same order as it is asked and that each answer starts on a new page. Please double space your document. You will be expected to write at a college-level and submit a proofread exam. After the exam goes live, I will not answer questions about the academic content of the class—however I will answer all logistical questions about formatting or submitting the work. (A half letter penalty can be assessed for improper formatting.) Penalties for academic dishonesty will be severe. Do not copy from anywhere unless it is a cited quotation. Paraphrasing the ideas of others should also be cited. While no citation other than the course materials is necessary, if you choose to cite something make sure you do it properly. Citations should be academically rigorous (that is, not SparkNotes, Wikipedia, Quora, etc.). While I have no objection to you talking to a study group about how you are going to answer your questions, I expect that each exam will be unique. Do not copy from each other. Do not share your exam answers and be sure to protect your data from theft. I will treat complicity with plagiarism as severely as plagiarism itself. Do not copy from your journals—if you want to include something from a journal re-write it for the exam. This exam is due at 11:59pm on Friday, May 14. Turn it in under “Exams” on the Blackboard site. No extensions will be given after the exam goes live without documentation from someone like a physician, judge, or the C-&-C of the United Federation of Planets. It is my advice to finish your exam early enough that you can have plenty of time to deal with internet outages, biblical plagues, or other headaches. Please note that you can drive to campus if you are in a true pinch. Please take a screen capture or keep your confirmation receipt so that you can prove you turned in your exam. Email me if you have any problems. (Do not expect prompt replies from me on Teams or Blackboard—use email.) Part One: Short Answer Please answer each of these questions in a substantial paragraph of 5+ sentences. Be sure that you have a clear topic sentence for each paragraph. Each answer is worth 10% of the total exam grade. 1. 2. 3. 4. What is the point of the Wilt Chamberlin example in Nozick’s work? What is the Original Position we discussed? What is the Difference Principle? What does Michael Sandel mean when he discusses moral ties that are antecedent to choice? Part Two: Long Essay How does Locke claim that a state (or civil society) comes to have authority over its citizens/subjects? What is the legitimate basis of civil authority? What might be a problem with Locke’s theory? Essays should be five or so paragraphs in length. In your essay, please be sure to give the details of each theory and cite the text. Good responses should discuss detail about why Locke argues as he does and not just what he concludes. Optional Response Three Please write an optional extra-credit journal entry answering the following question: How would Rawls claim that his theory is not coercive? This is an extra credit assignment worth up to 2 points toward your final course grade. It will be graded just like the previous Optional Response assignments. Turn this in under “Journals” on Blackboard. Do this assignment on a document (file) separate from your exam. CIVIL GOVERNMENT of the community have prescribed hath no right to be obeyed, though the form of the commonwealth be still preseryed, since he is not the person the laws have appointed, and, consequently, not the person the people have consented to. Nor can such an usurper, or any deriving from him, ever have a title till the people are both at liberty to consent, and have actually consented, to allow and confirm in him the power he hath till then usurped. 108 CHAPTER XVIII OF TYRANNY 199. As usurpation is the exercise of power which another hath a right to, so tyranny is the exercise of power beyond right, which nobody can have a right to; and this is making use of the power any one has in his hands, not for the good of those who are under it, but for his own private, separate advantage. When..the governor, however entitled, makes not the law, but his will, the rule, and his commands and actions are not directed to the preservation of the properties of his people, but the satisfaction of his own ambition, revenge, covetousness, or any other irregular passion. 200. If one can doubt this to be truth or reason because it comes from the obscure hand of a subject, I· hope the authority of a king will make it pass with him. King James, in his speech to the Parliament, 1603, tells them thus: "I will ever prefer the weal of the public and of the whole commonwealth, in making of good laws and constitutions, to any particular and private ends of mine, thinking ever the wealth and weal of the commonwealth to be my greatest weal and worldly felicity-a point wherein a lawful king doth directly differ from a tyrant; for I do acknowledge that the special and greatest point of difference that is between a rightful king and an usurping tyrant is this­ that whereas the proud and ambitious tyrant doth think his kingdom and· people are only ordained for satisfaction of his desires and unreasonable appetites, the righteous and just king doth, by the contrary, ac?owledge himself to be rdained for the procuring of the wealth and property of his TRUE END OF GOVERNMENT 109 people." And again, in his speech to the he hath these words: "The king binds hi Parliament, 1609, mself, by a double oath, to the observation of the fundamental dom-tacitly, as by being a king, and so laws of his king­ bound to protect, as well the people as the laws of his kingdom by his oath at his coronation; so as ever ; and expressly settled kingdom, is bound to observe y just king, in a to his people, by his laws, in framing histhat paction made able thereunto, according to that pactiongovernment agree­ with Noah after the deluge: 'Hereafter,which God made harvest, and cold, and heat, and summer, seed-time, and day, and night, shall not cease while the and winter, and And therefore a king, governing in a settledearth remaineth.' to be a king, and degenerates into a tyra kingdom, leaves leaves off to rule according to his laws." nt, as soon as he And a little after: "Therefore, all kings that are not tyrants, be glad to bound themselves within the limior perjured, will and they that persuade them the contrary ts of their laws, are vipers, pests, both against them and the commonwealth." Thus, that learned king, who well understood the noti ons of things, makes the difference betwixt a king and a tyra nt to consist only in this: that one makes the laws the bou nds of his power and the good of the public the end of his gov ernm ent; the other makes all give way to his own wi ll and app etite . 201. It is a mistake to thin k this fault is proper only to monarchies. Other forms of government are liable to it as well _ as that; for wherever the power that is put in any hands for the government of the people and the preserva­ tion of their properties is applied to othe r end use of to impoverish, harass, or subdue them s, and made and irregular commands of those that hav to the arbitrary e it, there it pre­ sently becomes tyranny, whether those that one or many. Thus we read of the thirty tyra thus use it are well as one at Syracuse; and the intolerants at Athens, as the Decemviri at Rome was nothing better.ble dominion of 202. Wherever law ends, tyranny begins, if the law be transgressed to another's harm; and whosoev er in authority exceeds the power given him by the law, and the force he has under his command to com makes use of the subject which the law allows not, ceas pass that upon. a magistrate, and acting without authority es in that to be as any other man who by force invades the may be opposed, right of another,.- CIVIL GOVERNMENT TRUE END OF GOVERNMENT This is acknowledged in subordinate magistrates. He that. hath authority to seize my person in the street may be opposed as a thief and a robber if he endeavours to break into my house to execute a writ, notwithstanding that I know he has such a warrant and such a legal authority as will empower him to arrest. me abroad. And why this should not hold in the highest, as well as in the most inferior magistrate, I would gladly be informed. Is it reasonable that the eldest brother, because he has the greatest part of his father's estate, should thereby have a right to take away any of his younger brothers' portions? Or that a rich man, who possessed a whole country, should from thence have a right to seize, when he pleased, the cottage and garden of his poor neighbour? The being rightfully possessed of great power and riches, exceedingly beyond the greatest part of the sons of Adam, is so far from being an excuse, much less a reason for rapine and oppression, which the endamaging another without authority is, that it is a great aggravation of it. For exceeding the bounds of authority is no more a right in a great than a petty officer, no more justifiable in a king than a constable. But so much the worse in him as that he has more trust put in him,. is supposed, from the advantage of education and counsellors, to have better knowledge and less reason to do it, having already a greater share than the rest of his brethren. 203. May the commands. then, of a prince be opposed? May he be resisted, as often as any one shall find himself aggrieved, and but imagine he has not right done him? This will unhinge and overturn all polities, and instead of . government and order, leave nothing but anarchy and confusion. 204. To this I answer: That force is to be opposed to nothing but to unjust and unlawful force. Whoever makes any opposition in any other case draws on himself a just condemnation, both from God and man; and so no such danger or confusion will follow, as is often suggested. For205. First. As in some countries the person of the prince by the law is sacred, and so whatever he commands or does, his person is still free from all question or violence, not liable to force, or any judicial censure or condemnation. But yet opposition may be made to the illegal acts of any inferior officer or other commissioned by him,. unless he will, by actually putting himself into a state of war with his people, dissolve the government, and leave them to that defence, which belongs to every one in the state of Nature. For of such things, who can tell what the end will be? And a neighbour kingdom has showed the world an odd example. In all other cases the sacredness of the person exempts him from all inconveniencies, whereby he is secure, whilst the government stands, from all violence and harm what­ soever, than which there cannot be a wi$er constitution. For the harm he can do in his own person not being likely to happen often, nor to extend itself far, nor being able by his single strength to subvert the laws nor oppress the body of the people, should any prince have so much weakness and ill-nature as to be willing to do it. The inconveniency of some particular mischiefs that may happen sometimes when a heady prince comes to the throne are well recompensed by the peace of the public and security of the government in the person of the chief magistrate, thus set out of the reach of danger; it being safer for the body that some few private men should be sometimes in danger to suffer than that the head of the republic should be easily and upon slight occasions exposed. 206. Secondly. But this privilege, belonging only to the king's person: hinders not but they may be questioned, opposed, and resisted, who use unjust force, though they pretend a commission from• him which the law authorises not; as is plain in the case of him that has the king's writ to arrest a man which is a full commission from the king, an