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Homework answers / question archive / The biological basis of parent-infant attachment: Foundations and implications tor further develoomen+2 Carolina Blair-Gómez M agister en Psicología, W ashburn University, Kansas, USA Pslcologá de la U niversidad P ontifica Bolivarlana Medellin C orreo electonico: blaircarolina@ gm all

The biological basis of parent-infant attachment: Foundations and implications tor further develoomen+2 Carolina Blair-Gómez M agister en Psicología, W ashburn University, Kansas, USA Pslcologá de la U niversidad P ontifica Bolivarlana Medellin C orreo electonico: blaircarolina@ gm all

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The biological basis of parent-infant attachment: Foundations and implications tor further develoomen+2 Carolina Blair-Gómez M agister en Psicología, W ashburn University, Kansas, USA Pslcologá de la U niversidad P ontifica Bolivarlana Medellin C orreo electonico: blaircarolina@ gm all.com Washburn University, Kansas, USA Abstract Attachment is one of the most important theories that has ever been produced in the field of Psychology. It explains not only the relationship that a child has with its mother, but also how a child is structured and developed into a psychic being. Understanding the Attachment Theory helps elucidate how the interactions that take place in the parent-infant relationship impact the rest of the child’s life by predicting the its neural, emotional, and social development. For this reason, it is important to explain the foundation of this important relationship. This article reviews some of the literature that, based on research from the fields of psychology, biology, and genetics, shows evidence on how this special tie is founded on genetic and endocrine substrates that, in interaction with the environment, function to create the expression of an individual. Keywcrds Attachment, parent-infant, responsiveness, biological, evolutionary explanation, genetic, endocrine, oxitocin, cortisol 2 Blair-Góm ez, C. (2013). The biological basis o f parent-infant attachm ent: Foundations and im plications fo r further de velopm ent. Inform es P sicológicos, 13(1), 23 -40. Informes Psicológicos Vol. 13 No. 1 • Enero-Junio • 2013 ISSN: 2145-3535 Recibido: 16/10/2012 Aceptado: 24/04/2013 The biological basis of parent-infant attachment: Foundations and implications for further development ntroduction Attachment, as has previously been defined (Bretherton, 1992) refers to a spe­ cial human need to form close affectional ties, which bond parents and infants in a way that the parent not only functions as a caregiver, but also as a secure base that the child can use as a safe way to explore the world around him, and as he or she grows older, the inner world as well. Although it has always been said that the ultimate function of attachment is the protection of the infant or child from any potential danger, research shows that the objective of the attachment re­ lationship goes way beyond, showing its potential to explain the child’s posterior functioning: the development of sche­ mas or perceptions about the world, the child’s emotional well-being (Volling, McEIwain, Notaro, & Herrera, 2002; Waters et al., 2010) psychological health (Anglin, Cohen, & Chen, 2008; Brumariu & Kerns, 2008) and the determination of the quality of posterior relationships with others (Levy & Kelly, 2010) including the way he or she will act as a parent in the future (Van Ijzendoorn, 1995; Grienenberger, Kelly, & Slade, 2005). History of attachment theory: the concept, different types, and antecedents of attachment Both Bowlby and Ainsworth, consi­ dered to be the founders of Attachment Theory, recognized the importance of pp • 23-40 attachment as this parent-infant tie and, by studying the theoretical developments of researchers like Konrad Lorenz with the imprinting in geese, and Harry Harlow with the emotional deprivation of orphan rhesus monkeys (Bretherton, 1992) viewed the evolutionary basis of attach­ ment, pointing to the similarities of hu­ mans and animals, in their need for con­ tact and physical connection that went beyond the need for food. Ainsworth, in her own unique way, studied its develop­ ment in Uganda, establishing that attach­ ment is universal and that it is observed throughout many different cultures. Ainsworth and Bell (1970) described a la­ boratory procedure developed by the for­ mer author, called the Strange Situation, to evaluate the attachment pattern that was present between an infant and the mother, by observing them interact in a series of eight steps and especially during moments of separation and encounter. The steps of the procedure included: a) the experimenter introduces the mother and infant to the room and leaves; (b) the mother and child are in the room, while the child explores without any participa­ tion from the mother; (c) the experimenter discretely enters the room, at first he re­ mains in silence, then talks to the mother, and finally approaches the child; (d) first episode of separation: the mother discre­ tely exits the room and the child is left for some minutes with the experimenter; (e) first encounter episode: the mother en­ ters the room, and comforts the child; the experimenter exits the room, the mother elicits play behavior in the child, and then, saying goodbye, leaves the room; (f) se­ cond separation episode: the child is left alone in the room for no more than three minutes; (g) the experimenter enters the room trying to interact with the infant, and Informes Psicológicos Vol. 13 No. 1 • E nero-Junio • 2013 ISSN: 2145-3535 " pp • 23-40 I Carolina Blair-Gómez finally; (h) second encounter episode: the mother enters the room, lifting and holding the infant while the experimenter discre­ tely exits the room. These eight steps of interaction between a mother and a child, and especially, the way in which the baby behaved in the moments of separation and of reencounter helped Mary Ainswor­ th come up with a classification of diffe­ rent patterns of attachment. She labeled as Secure those infants who explored the environment in the presence of the mother, and seemed somewhat anxious in the presence of the stranger. These also appeared upset after the separation from the mother, and in the moment of re­ union stopped crying and felt reassured by the mother’s presence. Secure infants generally returned to their usual behavior of playing and exploring after separation and encounter. Other infants would ex­ plore without noticing the presence of the mother or did not use her as a base for exploration; they found no preference for her over the stranger, and after separation would seem to not notice her absence or if they did, they would look for the mother although in a less anxious or distressed state, and on reunion would just avoid her. These children were referred to as Insecure-Avoidant. And finally, the other type of children seemed to not want to explore the environment around them, needing to be close to the mother at all times. They seemed anxious and apprehensive, loo­ king at the mother constantly when trying to explore, as if needing to “keep an eye on her” to not abandon them, and appea­ red exceedingly troubled after separation, when they would cry and scream showing a need for contact. Nevertheless, after the mother returned and were being held, although expected to feel comforted, they would not calm down, but instead, they would even be seen as though angry “ Informes Psicológicos Vol. 12 No. 2 • E nero-Junio • 2012 ISSN: 2145-3535 with the mother, not letting her hug them, being rigid, or pushing away from her to be let down again. Because of this mani­ festation of ambivalence or inconsistency, these children were classified as Insecure-Ambivalent (sometimes also referred to as Resistant). Eventually, another type of attachment was described (Main & Solo­ mon, 1990), given that some children in the Strange Situation would behave di­ fferently. Children who did not use any of the other three strategies in a consistent manner, but showed behaviors that did not have a clear objective, an observa­ ble goal or intention, or even manifested headbanging, freezing and other bizarre behaviors, were defined as Disorganized/ Disoriented. These infants had equally disorganized, distorted or atypical paren­ ting, which represented for them, both a source of comfort and distress (Benoit, 2004). The manner in which infants react in situations of separation is a representa­ tion of the way in which they are learning to regulate their emotions; a process that is learned through the interactions with the caregiver. It has been shown (Volling, McElwain, Notaro, & Herrera, 2002) that the quality of parental responsiveness (e.g., the way in which the parents attend to the children’s emotional and biological needs) impacts the regulation of emotions in children by going through a process in which the parents serve the function of regulating the child’s emotions first, until finally the child learns how to do it himself. Thus, a secure child has caregivers who respond to his distress in sensitive, caring and warm ways, giving the infant the fe­ eling that he can trust the caregivers to be ready, accessible, and sensible to his needs. In this sense, a secure child has more flexible emotion regulation skills. An The biological basis of parent-infant attachment: Foundations and implications for further development avoidant child has caregivers who res­ pond in cold, insensitive or even rejecting ways, showing the child that he cannot count on the caregivers to be ready, ac­ cessible, and sensible to meet his needs; therefore, expressing emotions does not serve any purpose. Thus, eventually the child develops a strategy in which he learns to minimize emotional expression. An ambivalent child has inconsistent, contradictory parents who respond in very different ways every time he or she feels distressed, and continuously threa­ ten the child to abandon, or reject him, therefore showing the child that he has to worry about his caregiver’s presence or well-being, leaving the child with the constant feeling of uncertainty and un­ controllability. In this way, the child learns to maximize the display of emotions in the hopes that the caregiver will pay attention and meet his needs. Disorganized chil­ dren have inconsistent, contradictory pa­ rents, many times neglectful and abusive, who respond in frightening, sexualized, and atypical ways to the child, both in re­ action to the child’s positive and negative emotions, leaving the child with the feeling that he never knows how the parent will react, thus showing bizarre behaviors that represent disorientation and high stress (Benoit, 2004; Volling, McElwain, Notaro, & Herrera, 2002). protection and care. Given that in infan­ cy he cannot get up, start walking, feed himself or run in order to protect his own life like many other animals do, his depen­ dency is high, his vulnerability is higher, and his need for a responsive and warm caregiver, is even greater. But, how does the infant guarantee that he is going to be cared for? What has shaped mothers to be responsive and maternal? The infant needs to display a number of behaviors or responses that, similar to those of the other mammals, are instinc­ tual. Many of them are shared with other primates; are developed during a critical period of time; and ensure that the mother will direct her own responses to him. When an infant has a need and cries, the cry functions as a signal to the mother in order to get her attention and turn towards the child to meet the need. As Bretherton (1992) very clearly wrote after reading one of Bowlby’s papers: The attachment behavior is made up of a number of component instinctual responses that have the function of binding the infant to the mother and the mother to the infant. These com ponent responses (among them sucking, clinging, and following, as well as signaling behaviors of smiling and crying) Evolutionary basis of Attachment: Instincts and hormones mature relatively independently during the first year of life and become increasingly integrated and focused on a mother figure during the second 6 months (p. 762). As many other behavioral systems, attachment has its own and unique evo­ lutionary explanation. The human infant, being one of the most vulnerable among all infant mammals, has a great need for Other authors, like Sarah Blaffer Hrdy (as cited by Cashdan, 2000) state that “selection has shaped infants ... (to be) unusually fat at birth (because) it enhan­ ces its later chances of survival and at Informes Psicológicos Vol. 13 No. 1 • E nero-Junio • 2013 ISSN: 2145-3535 pp • 23-40 pp • 23-40 I Carolina Blair-Gómez the same time signals its mothers that it is in good condition and worth rearing” (p. 217). The same author states that in­ nate maternal responses lower a human mother’s threshold for responding to her infant which makes mothers especially interested in babies, therefore displaying attention and caring behaviors. Research has shown that these expressions are mediated through hormonal changes, both in the mothers and fathers (Sto­ rey, Walsh, Quinton, & Wynne-Edwards, 2000; Thompson &Trevathan, 2008) and also in other animals (Ahern & Young, 2009). Parental responsiveness in hu­ mans has been traced to hormonal levels as made known by Storey et al. (2000) who showed that men who reported ha­ ving more pregnancy symptoms (weight gain, nausea, increase in appetite, fatigue, decrease in appetite, weight loss, and emotional changes) while their spouses were pregnant, showed higher prolactin levels and lower testosterone levels, which correlated with their partner’s hormonal levels as well (in women, higher prolactin and cortisol). The research confirms that an inverse relationship between prolac­ tin and testosterone in men is related to higher paternal responsiveness and lower tendencies to engage in behaviors that are contrary to behaviors representative of parental responsiveness, like aggres­ sion and competitiveness. A very interes­ ting finding of the study is that hormonal changes in women were dependent on time/period (prenatal, perinatal, or post­ natal), while men’s changes were depen­ dent on the level of intimacy they had with their spouses. Therefore, men who were more intimate in the relationship they had with their spouses showed the hormonal changes along with their wives (mani­ festing pregnancy symptoms), and were more responsive, but men who were not «o Informes Psicológicos Vol. 12 No. 2 • E nero-Junio • 2012 ISSN: 2145-3535 very intimate or close to their spouses, did not show hormonal changes. Aside from prolactin, other hormones are presumed to be involved, among other important social behaviors, in mother-infant pair bonding. Bartz and Hollander (2006) after a vast literature review on the most recent studies done on neuroscience of affiliation, found that oxytocin is one of these neuropeptides in­ volved. The authors reviewed the findings of other studies where injections of oxyto­ cin in the cerebral ventricles of rats that never had pups before, facilitated mater­ nal behavior, whereas injecting the anta­ gonist of the hormone inhibited the onset of the maternal behavior. Thompson and Trevathan (2008) recognize that cortisol, an adrenal hormone released in respon­ se to physical and emotional arousal, and sometimes referred to as the stress hor­ mone, is also implicated in the expression of attachment behaviors and parenting in the caregiver. The authors have followed studies of other researchers, showing that highly fearful, insecurely attached and di­ sorganized infants have higher cortisol reactivity than others that are more secu­ rely attached. Cortisol dysregulation has also been found to be present following early social deprivation. Wismer Fries, Shirtcliff and Poliak (2008) found that post-institutionalized children who expe­ rienced severe neglect had higher basal cortisol levels. The study also found that children who experienced a lengthy stay at the orphanage did not show greater cortisol levels in comparison with children who had shorter stays, demonstrating the fact that the length of stay did not predict the stress response, but the neglect and abuse experienced at the institution did. This predicts inefficiency in regulating the Hypothalamic Pituitary Adrenal (HPA) Axis The biological basis of parent-infant attachment: Foundations and implications for further development (which is an intricate set of direct influen­ ces and feedback exchanges between the hypothalamus, the pituitary gland and the adrenal gland, controlling the reac­ tions to stress and regulating other body processes like digestion, immunity to viru­ ses, mood and emotions). This inefficien­ cy in the regulation of the HPA Axis sys­ tem puts the children in a constant state of “alarm”, even though they are now living in a loving environment, as if to be pre­ pared to expect the worst. As stated by Wismer Fries et al., these results show the effects of early deprivation on subsequent behavioral and emotional functioning, at­ tributable to changes in the HPA Axis. In animals, one study (Ahern & Young, 2009) has also shown the importance of parental behavior, quality (and quantity) of time invested in caring for infants, and the impact that it can have on posterior development as critical factors in infant development. The research by Ahern and Young (2009) was done by studying the monogamous prairie vole, which is said to be an animal that resembles the social interaction and social family formations of humans. These rodents are small, geneti­ cally diverse and generally monogamous, with a compound repertoire of social be­ haviors; virgins exhibit nurturing behavior towards unrelated pups, adults form se­ lective social attachments or pair bonds, and breeding pairs show biparental care of offspring (Ahern & Young, 2009). This study showed that single-mother-reared pups (in contrast to bi-parental-reared pups) were less attended, received sig­ nificantly less care and less “licking and grooming” behaviors from the mother, matured more slowly, and later on, showed slower partner preference for­ mation, and less alloparental behaviors as adults, spending more time away from their own pups. The study made by Ahern pp • 23-40 & Young did not show main effects for single-mother vs. bi-parental-reared pups regarding the neuropeptides involved in these behaviors (oxitocin, vasopressin and corticotropin-releasing factor), but did confirm that the patterns of interaction early in life not only affect the immediate social life of the child but also show that there is an intergenerational transmission of attachment behaviors, as always de­ fended by van Ijzendoorn (1995). From a different yet interesting pers­ pective, also confirming the impact of the neuroendocrine system in attachment processes, the study of Tyrka et al. (2008) on parental loss is found. This study re­ sulted in the finding that early parental loss can lead to alterations in the normal functions of the Hypothalamic-PituitaryAdrenal (HPA) function as an adult. Adults who, as children, had experienced paren­ tal loss (e.g., death) evidenced higher le­ vels of HPA functioning, resulting in higher cortisol levels while the ones who had ex­ perienced parental desertion or abandon­ ment and institutionalization evidenced lowered cortisol reactivity. The findings can be explained based on the duration and intensity of the stressors. While chil­ dren who suffer the loss of a parent due to death can suffer a great trauma, they hold the certainty that the parent is not coming back, therefore experience this trauma as an acute stressor, and develop later a heightened reactivity of the stress respon­ se. On the other hand, children who un­ dergo the disappearance of a parent, the occurrence of abandonment, placement in institutions (generally, accompanied by other multiple stressors like maltreatment), experience these multiple stressors over a long period of time. Not only they hold the expectation of the parent(s)’ return, but the constant experience of diminished Informes Psicológicos Vol. 13 No. 1 • E nero-Junio • 2013 ISSN: 2145-3535 «q ^ pp • 23-40 I Carolina Blair-Gómez parental care at an institution, are not un­ dertaken as acute stressors but as c...
 

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