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Write a reply to the following prompt. The prompt asks you to apply course concepts and ideas to analyze a report on a contemporary issue. To do this, you will need to evaluate the claim or account presents by the linked sources. The essay sources need to include lecture concepts, readings, and claims from the video. Cited in Chicago APA.

Watch this short video (Links to an external site.) from a 2018 campaign launched by the UN about feminicide in Latin America. How does it define feminicide as a problem? What is the solution that it proposes? How well does it align with social movement approaches in Mexico? What do movements add to this debate? 

GEOG 3812 - WEEK 15 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS GEOG 3812 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS ? Last week of new material! ? Overview of Social Movements ? Focus: Feminist Movement in Mexico SOCIAL MOVEMENTS GEOG 3812 KEY TERM: SOCIAL MOVEMENT ? Organized effort to pursue political goals from outside of formal state (e.g. political parties, institutions) and economic (e.g. unions, class) spheres. ? May later win support from political parties or state institutions. ? Can begin with class-based demands but often expand to include other forms of solidarity (e.g. Afro-descendents, Indigenous Peoples, women). ? How to they identify and pursue goals? ? How do movements move? GEOG 3812 “NEW” SOCIAL MOVEMENTS ? “Old Social Movements” ? Organized around class (e.g. peasants, workers). ? Often linked to political parties. ? Pursued change through transformation of state policies and institutions. ? “New Social Movements” ? Mobilize around “identities” such as Indigenous Peoples, women. ? May or may not directly engage state institutions, political parties. GEOG 3812 EXAMPLES: MEXICO ? ‘Old’ ? Zapata (1910s). ? Cananea (Labor strike). ? ‘New’ ? Student movement, 1960s ? Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), 1994 - present. ? Ni Una Más/Fourth-wave feminist movement, 2000s - present. GEOG 3812 EZLN ? Armed uprising launched January 1, 1994 (same day that NAFTA entered into force). ? Mobilize Tzotzil, Tzeltal, and Tojolobal Maya communities in Chiapas. ? Emphasis on building autonomy in communities aligned with the movement (caracoles). ? Alliances with other Indigenous Peoples through National Indigenous Congress. ? Alliances with students, workers, urban Mexicans. Comandanta Ramona GEOG 3812 EZLN ? Lower case “r” revolution - struggle along multiple axes. ? Diverse strategies, forms of participation. ? Seeks transformation beyond the State. ? New forms of politics. ? “A revolution that makes revolution possible.” “NI UNA MUERTE MÁS” GEOG 3812 FEMINIST MOVEMENTS IN MEXICO ? Long history, diversity of approaches. ? “Fourth wave”, ca. 2008. ? Response to gender violence (feminicide, harassment, assault). ? Focus on economic inequalities. ? Expanded de nition of work. ? “Social” reproduction/“house work” fi ? “Care work.” GEOG 3812 POLITICAL ECONOMIC CHANGE GENDER INEQUALITY DRUG WAR/ MILITARIZATION GEOG 3812 POLITICAL ECONOMIC CHANGE GENDER INEQUALITY DRUG WAR/ MILITARIZATION GEOG 3812 GENDER IN MEXICO ? Disparities in access to work, pay once hired. ? Women more likely to live in poverty than men. ? Discouraged from political participation. ? Right to vote in 1953. ? Differential access to education. ? Reproductive rights ? Abortion rights limited to a few states. ? Access to birth control limited. REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS IN MEXICO (2020) REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS IN MEXICO, CENTRAL AMERICA, AND THE CARIBBEAN (2020) GEOG 3812 GENDER IN MEXICO ? Class differences ? “Rich women can do whatever they want.” ? Access for poorer women far more dif cult, especially when race (Indigenous) and location (rural) are considered. fi ? And race… GEOG 3812 GENDER IN MEXICO ? 2 out of 3 women over 15 have experienced some kind of violence in their lives. ? 78.6% of victims do not report abuse to police. ? 47% of all women over 15 in a relationship experience domestic violence. ? 3 in 5 women migrants moving through Mexico experience sexual assault (estimate, Amnesty International). GEOG 3812 POLITICAL ECONOMIC CHANGE GENDER INEQUALITY DRUG WAR/ MILITARIZATION GEOG 3812 NAFTA & NEOLIBERALISM ? Cuts to price supports for food. ? Increased emphasis on credit (borrowing money). ? Catholic Church allowed to formally re-enter politics for the rst time since 1917; immediately launches campaign against reproductive rights. fi ? Cuts to healthcare access, especially for women in poor or rural areas. GEOG 3812 NAFTA & NEOLIBERALISM ? “Transnational households” ? Male migration pushed women to take on more work in household, communities, work places. ? Remittances. ? Women both pushed to seek work and continue task of managing households. ? “Domestic” work in cities. ? Maquiladoras. ? Migration. GEOG 3812 KEY TERM: SOCIAL REPRODUCTION ? Work done to produce basic conditions for life. ? How does a social system reproduce itself? ? Essential to economic production. ? Typically “unpaid” and gendered as “women’s work.” ? Everyone works. ? Whether or not they are paid, and how much shapes social hierarchies. ? “Placing life at the center” of analysis, politics. GEOG 3812 SOCIAL REPRODUCTION ? Care work both in and out of the home. ? Children. ? Elderly. ? Meals. ? Neoliberal cuts to social programs that support these activities. ? Price supports for food. ? Healthcare. ? Childcare. GEOG 3812 POLITICAL ECONOMIC CHANGE GENDER INEQUALITY DRUG WAR/ MILITARIZATION GEOG 3812 FEM(IN)ICDE ? Anyone brutalized or killed by virtue of being feminized. ? Initially concentrated near Juárez — the city with the largest concentration of maquilas. ? Has since spread throughout Mexico (and elsewhere in Latin America). ? Includes broad spectrum of feminized bodies, including trans women. ? 2019: 10 feminicides reported each day (average) ? up from 7/day in 2017. GEOG 3812 POLITICAL ECONOMIC CHANGE GENDER INEQUALITY FEMINICIDE DRUG WAR/ MILITARIZATION https://feminicidiosmx.crowdmap.com/main?l=en_US GEOG 3812 FEM(IN)ICDE ? “Ni una muerte más”/“Not one more woman dead” (Susana Chavéz, 1974-2011). ? “Ni una menos”/“Not one woman less.” GEOG 3812 CRIMINALIZATION OF PROTEST ? Environmental issues — development projects, pollution. ? Human Rights - anti-feminicide, opposition to violence. ? Disappearances ? Death ? Torture. GEOG 3812 TRANSNATIONALISM ? #NiUnaMenos (“Not one woman less), Argentina 2015. ? #VivasNosQuremos. ? Protests in Chile, Uruguay, Peru, Bolivia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Spain, Brazil. ? First International Women’s Strike, March 8, 2017. ? Every March 8 since. ? 2020: participation in 50+ countries globally. ? All emphasize systematic gender inequality; feminicide is the worst symptom. GEOG 3812 UN DIA SIN NOSOTRAS: A FEMINIST STRIKE ? Links together all the different places that women’s work is done. ? Demands include some or all of the following: 1. End to all forms of gender violence (discrimination, pay inequalities, racism, harassment and assault). 2. Right to work & dignity. 3. Recognition of indispensability of care work. 4. Clean water, safe shelter and transportation. 5. Access to education. 6. Access to health care/reproductive rights. 7. Basic protection for human rights. 8. Right to asylum. 9. LGBTQA+ rights. 10.Environmental justice (anti-extractivism) GEOG 3812 MEXICO ? 8 March protests have become increasingly intense. ? Wall around National Palace, other protest sites to keep protesters out. ? Social media facilitating exchange of information between groups on a Latin America, Europe, and the US. ? Frustration over lack of response to demands, escalating numbers of feminicides. GEOG 3812 MEXICO ? Growing number of women in politics. ? Requirements for gender parity in many state institutions. ? Coalition of Left parties currently dominant nationally have denounced protesters as provocateurs manipulated by “foreign” interests. ? President Andres Manuel Lopéz Obrador has supported at least one politician accused of sexual assault. Claudia Sheinbaum, Mayor of Mexico City with Pres. Lopéz Obrador GEOG 3812 A SOCIAL MOVEMENT? ? No leaders. ? Most organizing done by collectives. ? Protests, organizing dominated by women in the 20s and 30s. ? Creativity of protests ? Art & theater. ? Research. ? Mutual aid. ? Barricades. fi ? Occupation of state of ces. CONCLUSION GEOG 3812 CONCLUSION ? More than the saving of individual lives. ? Demonstrations show vulnerability is widely shared. ? Does not end violence so much as show “persistence in a condition of vulnerability that proves to be its own kind of strength” (Butler 2020, p. 201). ? Parallels with migrant caravans? ? Solidarity. GEOG 3812 CONCLUSION ? Links throughout region, and into other regions. ? Points of connection change from place to place. ? Feminicide, abortion bans, harassment all symptoms of a larger, shared problem. GEOG 3812 REFLECTION PAPER ? Choose 1: ? Media accounts, particularly in the US, tend to focus on feminicide as a crime problem. What approach do protesters in Mexico (and elsewhere) take? How does that differ from media coverage of feminicide? ? OR ? On your own, nd an article from a news media site* that addresses one of the topics or themes from this lecture. Use lecture materials to analyze the article, paying particular attention to how the problem of gender violence and the protests are represented or portrayed. Be sure to include a complete citation for the article. fi ? *News media can include any mainstream media outlet, from newspapers to TV or radio. You may use a Spanish-language site that meets the same criteria. Rethinking Situated Knowledge from the Perspective of Argentina's Feminist Strike Verónica Gago, Liz Mason-Deese Journal of Latin American Geography, Volume 18, Number 3, October 2019, pp. 202-209 (Article) Published by University of Texas Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/lag.2019.0047 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/736944 [ This content has been declared free to read by the pubisher during the COVID-19 pandemic. ] Rethinking Situated Knowledge from the Perspective of Argentina’s Feminist Strike Verónica Gago National University of San Martín National Research Council (CONICET), Argentina Liz Mason-Deese Independent researcher, translator, and activist H ow has feminism impacted investigation and intervention, and ways of linking both practices? Here a first question emerges that we take as our premise: There are explicit connections between the movement of thought and social movements. That is, there is a direct (but not simple) relationship between what we can read, perceive, and conceptualize and the extent to which we are part of and/or connected to the dynamics of struggle that displace our understanding of what is taken as possible. As we know thanks to many feminist reflections, recognizing that connection, that dependence, implies letting go of the division between the subject who researches and the object that is made passive as the researched. But it also implies questioning what is called objectivity, which, as Donna Haraway has masterfully explained, is generally solved with the law of the father: That is, “always already absent referents, deferred signifieds, split subjects, and the endless play of the signifier” (Haraway, 1991, p. 184). It is not an issue of throwing out the notion of objectivity, but rather reformulating it in the wake of what this very text proposes: Feminist objectivity is situated knowledge. Our reflections here are situated in the recent experience of the feminist movement in Argentina. the strike as a knowledge experience Argentina’s massive, popular, and radical feminist movement has revitalized political struggles in the country, building a transversal movement capable of challenging multiple forms of violence that have differential impacts on women and feminized bodies. It has done so by opening up new forms of knowing and inventing new political tactics by weaving together different know-hows and knowledges based on a multiplicity of heterogeneous concrete bodies and experiences. Writing from this feminist movement, and situated within the experience of the feminist strike, we show how the strike, as a process, calls into question hegemonic forms of knowing and assumptions about the subject of that knowing, through embodied and embedded processes of investigation and knowledge creation that produce new subjects, new concepts, and new internationalist and plurinational alliances. In the face of increasing patriarchal violence, calling for a strike allowed the feminist movement to take the offensive, to go JOURNAL OF LATIN AMERICAN GEOGRAPHY 18(3), 202–209 Perspectives from mourning to expressing rage on the tasks with intellectual ones, thinking with the streets. The successive feminist strikes, in hands, heart, and brain at the same time in October 2016, then in March 2017, and again everyday collective practices as in important in March 2018 and 2019, have also produced feature of these new waves of movements. ways of knowing, allowing us to map femiThe strike as an action and as a process nized labor and the multiplicity of forms of serves a double role: both a political tactic value production, based on disobedience to and a research methodology, making and refusal of the injunction to labor. This demands and inventing new worlds. The knowledge production is compositional, feminist strike adds another layer to the creating uncanny alliances and heteroge- traditional tool of the labor movement: The neous subjectivities. As a productive and subject of the feminist strike is not predetergenerative process, it challenges pre-estab- mined; it does not exist before the strike itself. lished categories and boundaries between The call to strike convenes all of us: housesubjects, concepts, and geographies, over- wives, workers in the formal and informal turning colonial-capitalist-patriarchal classi- economy, teachers, members of cooperatives, fications and binaries. the unemployed, those employed part-time or intermittently, the self-employed, full-time embodying knowledge mothers, activists, women organizing soup The feminist strike, as an ongoing and evolv- kitchens and food banks, retired women, etc. ing practice, involves assemblies and meetings, (for an example, see Ni Una Menos, 2018). It work stoppages and blockades, encounters is in this sense that the strike functions as a between women and other forms of being new form of practical cartography of labor together, and practices of care and of invention from a feminist register (Gago, 2019a). By among women (Menéndez, 2018). As such, calling upon us to stop working, the strike the strike involves diverse forms of collective makes visible all of the ways and the places and embodied knowledge production that in which women and feminized bodies labor, challenge clear divisions between scholars and whether paid or unpaid, recognized or unrecactivists. Not knowledge in the abstract, this ognized, formal or informal: affective labor, feminist know-how, based on situated knowl- emotional labor, care labor, organizational edge-practices in concrete territories and labor, cognitive labor, material labor, etc. bodies, implies other ways of knowing, valuing The labors pile up; we can map where and the knowing body, sensibilities, and intuitions. how women and feminized bodies work, This knowing-from-the-body challenges the and, making visible a form of labor that relies colonial-capitalist-patriarchal unconscious on invisibility and non-recognition for its by questioning pre-established identities and hyper-exploitation, we change its conditions. reactionary fears and creating new forms of desire and subjectivities (Rolnik, 2019). Rivera assemblies Cusicanqui (2018) also speaks of the impor- Assemblies that proliferate in times and tance of the body, of weaving together manual spaces, that produce their own times and 203 Journal of Latin American Geography spaces in the process, function as situated apparatuses of collective intelligence. That is, through thinking together, based on concrete bodies and experiences, an idea is elaborated that did not exist before the assembly itself. In this process, categories and identities are called into question, not because differences cease to exist, but because they are traversed. New subjectivities are constructed and composed. In these processes, thinking and doing are not separated, but the essential embodied nature of all thought is highlighted; the materiality of thought and its thinkers. It is in this way that the feminist strike and its constituent process functions as a form of knowledge production, as a knowledge practice that challenges different borders of thought and action. Here the positions of activist and scholar become confused and blurred precisely because nowhere is safe. Academia is certainly not safe from misogynist violence and patriarchal hierarchies. But neither are the household, the park, the soccer stadium, etc., safe from feminist thought — knowledge practices that question the assumed and naturalized hierarchies and violence, put them in connection with others, and politicize them in new ways. Scholar and activist, rather than set positions, are better understood as types of doing; that through doing them together in assemblies, strikes, encounters, and thousands of conversations, create new alliances and new subjectivities and set in motion new struggles. These practices involve concrete bodies and experiences generating ways of knowing in particular situations. By theorizing based not only on one’s own position and experiences, but in direct 204 connection with other bodies, other experiences, categories such as inside and outside are problematized, positions prove to be in constant mutation. The embedded and embodied form of understanding violence, dispossession, and exploitation enables a questioning that runs transversally across different spaces: from the family to the union, from the university to the community center, from the border to the plazas. It does so by giving this questioning a material, corporeal anchor. Therefore, while violence displays differentiated types of oppression and exploitation, expressed in concrete bodies, the process of mapping it nourishes new forms of solidarity and sorority. It is what has allowed the formation of the interunion that historically brought together women from the distinct union federations to develop a situated analysis of contemporary labor conditions and a new repertoire of actions; a reading group of Caliban and the Witch in a shantytown that uses the text to develop its own analysis of the violence of ongoing primitive accumulation; a writing workshop in a women’s prison to turn a critique of the violence of debt into poetry (Cavallero & Gago, 2019). Yet, we must emphasize, the common element is not violence, but the common is produced by the situated and transversal questioning of violence. Connecting violence creates a shared perspective that is both specific and expansive, critical but not paralyzing, that links experiences, producing a language that goes beyond categorizing ourselves as victims, that allows us to build our capacities and generate new alliances. Perspectives mapping violence As a specific, situated form of knowledge production and theoretical practice, the process of the feminist strike allows for expanding and pluralizing our understanding of violence based on concrete situations. This practice calls into question certain conceptual borders between notions that have been theorized as discrete phenomenon, and functions instead as a form of connection between different sites and different types of violence. In other words, it is a different form of building knowledges, with different effects and contents. This expansion and pluralization of our understanding of violence is strategic in a political sense: It creates intelligibility and thus displaces the abstract and totalizing figure of the victim, instead generating new forms of political subjectivation. This feminist practice starts from concrete experiences, from building common connections and constructing cartographies, not from the identification of universalizing categories accounting for abstract ideas. Through assemblies, strikes, and myriad other encounters and moments of shared thought, the forms of violence against women’s and feminized bodies are analyzed based on singular situations and on particular bodies and experiences, and from there a comprehension of violence as a complete phenomenon is produced. Each person’s body, as a trajectory and experience, thus becomes the entry point, a concrete mode of localization, from which a specific point of view is produced that allows us to understand the whole. This work of weaving together different situations and struggles produces a political cartography that connects the threads that make different forms of violence operate as interrelated dynamics. With this perspective we escape the confines of gender-based violence by linking gendered violence to the multiple forms of violence that make it possible. The viewpoint generated in the feminist strike connects households imploded by domestic violence to lands razed by agribusinesses and assassinated campesina and environmental activists, with the wage gap throughout industries and academia and invisibilized care work; it links the violence of austerity and budget cuts to women’s protagonism in popular economies and to financial exploitation through public and private debt (Gago, 2019b). It shows how lack of economic autonomy and violence in the labor sphere subject women and feminized bodies to violence in the household and increases their vulnerability to the violence of debt. But it also highlights how debt and multiple forms of violence expand to capture and restrain women’s capacity for resistance, their networks of popular economy that they construct, and the webs of mutual aid that they weave (Cavallero & Gago, 2019). Tracing the modes of connection of different forms of violence allows us to build a complete understanding of the contemporary complex of capitalism-patriarchy-colonialism (Gutiérrez Aguilar, 2018) through its concrete manifestations. It shows how the gendered differential of exploitation is fundamental, not an accidental or secondary characteristic, to domination and exploitation, and how ongoing violence is necessary to the maintenance of capitalism. This perspective, based on concrete lives and bodies, breaks down conceptual borders between catego205 Journal of Latin American Geography ries of reproduction and production, formal opment — but again, not based on victimand informal labor, the public and private hood but on a collective desire to live spheres as relics of a form of theorization that (Tzul, 2018). took the white, heterosexual, male body to be the norm. The perspective of the feminist thinking internationally strike, as an act of mapping, shows how the This rejuvenated (but also transgenerational) labor of women and feminized bodies has feminist wave, and the ongoing process of the always existed across these spheres, mixing feminist strike, has become a global phenomand combining them in ways that defy the enon, inverting a dominant geography of binaries that are essential to the functioning exploitation and extraction. The feminist of domination and challenge the institutions strike that became global— with more than and practices that maintain them (Gago & fifty countries participating in the March 8, Gutiérrez Aguilar, 2018). 2019, strike— emerged from the South, with The feminist strike is built on and through strong roots in Latin America, in multiple that understanding of the multiplicity of layers of histories, struggles, movements, and laboring subjects and forms of exploita- organizations. As we described above, it has tion and extraction, and the connections also included a work of theorization from the between them. Building on that understand- South, inverting a dominant academic geoging, struggles led by Indigenous and campe- raphy where the South serves as the empirsina women throughout Latin America have ical basis for thought constructed in the invented the idea-force of the “body-ter- North (Gago, 2017). The feminist strike has ritory.” The notion itself ties together nurtured an internationalism that disrupts a perspective that explains how today the scales, scope, and forms of coordination the exploitation of territories is struc- of a movement that continues expanding tured in a neo-extractive mode, and how without becoming diluted, precisely through that also reconfigures the exploitation multiple situated processes of translation. of labor, mapping the effects on everyThis internationalism challenges both day life produced by the dispossession the geographic imagination and the orgaof the commons. The body-territory is a nizational imagination: It travels through practical concept that demonstrates how transborder circuits, without a centralized the exploitation of common, community structure, transforming through engage(urban, suburban, campesino, and Indig- ments with concrete situations and transenous) territories involves violating the lated interpretations. It is an internationalism body of each person and the collective that was imagined in Mexican prisons and body through dispossession. And it is stra- maquilas (Draper, 2018; Gago, 2018), and tegic: It links struggles to recuperate land that builds on that potent question posed a and territory to struggles against both the decade earlier by precarious women workers violence of war and domestic violence, to in Madrid: “What is your strike?” (Precarias struggles against neo-extractivist devel- a la Deriva, 2004). It is inspired by struggles 206 Perspectives for autonomy in Rojava and Chiapas and the lessons of the feminist strike from Latin communitarian struggles in Guatemala, by America (Mason-Deese, 2018). Chilean students and favela dwellers in Brazil, Unusual and unprecedented alliances are by campesinas in Paraguay, and by Afro-Co- formed in each specific place where this lombian women struggling for territory. It is internationalism takes root. We see alliances an internationalism that directly links domes- between women laid off from textile factories tic territories—from women workers strug- and students fighting against education cuts; gling against racism in the gated communities between Indigenous women in rebellion and of the Nordelta in Argentina, to those in community organizers in neighborhoods of Madrid using creative organizational forms the urban periphery. Therefore, what charand tactics to highlight and fight discrimina- acterizes this feminist movement is that it tion, to Latin American migrant women in is able to take root and territorialize itself in the United States connecting violence in the concrete struggles and to produce links and household workplace to racist and xenopho- analyses based on those struggles. Those bic public policies. alliances are what allows for going beyond a Calls and communiques are translated methodological nationalism, to not assume a and circulate through networks of activists nation-state geometry or abstract notions of and the constant labor of translators, without class or the people. Rather, we build an analrelying on a political party, internationally ysis that interprets global processes starting funded NGOs, or other centralized struc- from concrete manifestations in particular tures. Social media and messaging apps play territories. their role, but even more important are the The very meaning of internationalism affective networks constructed through face- expands and is now interwoven with the to-face encounters and friendships culti- plurinational question, a demand raised by vated across borders over decades. Rather different movements in Latin America. The than forming a shared program, imposed internationalist dimension thus also becomes from above, calls take on their own forms a method. The perspective of feminists withas they are translated into specific situations. out borders is interwoven with a diagnosis Slogans travel and transform, allowing for of the counter-offensive (of a whole series of knowledges and experiences to be shared reactionary responses to the massive femiacross localities and across borders. Strug- nist rebellion) that complicates and exceeds gles against feminicide in Latin America nation-state frameworks because it includes are connected to everyday sexism and the the Vatican and media corporations, state erasure of feminized knowledges in the global and parastate militarization, the masculinuniversity (Almenera et al., 2016). In the San ist violence of drug trafficking organizaFrancisco Bay Area, the strike becomes a tions, transnational corporations that push gender strike, calling into question the every- free trade agreements, and their allies in day performance of gender. Cries of “me too” the Women20-G20 and other institutions transform into “we strike” when imbued with claiming to represent women in the name 207 Journal of Latin American Geography of “development” (Paley, 2016; Gago, 2019b). This already existing internationalism is put in practice through ongoing, daily practices of translation, dialogue, and negotiation. It does not require the abstraction of struggles in favor of programmatic unity or by adhering to a structure. This internationalist practice is a knowledge practice that qualifies each concrete situation: It makes individual struggles richer and more complex without having to abandon their rootedness. The movement is amplified through connections with conflicts and experiences, by making the strike an excuse for meetings and investigations in each different site. That is, this internationalist, feminist thought is constructed from the territories and bodies in struggle. references Almenara, E., del Valle, I., Draper, S., Ferrari, L., Mason-Deese, L., & Sabau, A. (2016). We Strike Too. Joining the Latin American Women’s Strike from the US. Truthout. Retrieved from http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/38146-we-strike-too-joining-the-latinamerican-women-s-strike-from-the-us Cavallero, L., & Gago, V. (2019). Una lectura feminista de la deuda. ¡Vivas, libres y desendeudadas nos queremos! Buenos Aires: Rosa Luxemburg Foundation. Draper, S. (2018). Strike as Process: Building the Poetics of a New Feminism (L. MasonDeese, Trans.). South Atlantic Quarterly, 117(3), 682–91. Gago, V. (2017). Intellectuals, Experiences, and Militant Investigation: Avatars of a Tense Relationship. Viewpoint Magazine. Retrieved from https://www.viewpointmag. com/2017/06/06/intellectuals-experiences-and-militant-investigation/ Gago, V. (2018). #WeStrike: Notes toward a Political Theory of the Feminist Strike. South Atlantic Quarterly, 117(3), 660–669. Gago, V. (2019a). The Body of Labor: A Cartography of Three Scenes from the Perspective of the Feminist Strike. Viewpoint Magazine. Retrieved from https://www.viewpointmag. com/2019/06/10/the-body-of-labor-a-cartography-of-three-scenes-from-theperspective-of-the-feminist-strike/ Gago, V. (2019b). La potencia feminista. O el deseo de cambiarlo todo. Buenos Aires: Tinta Limón. Gago, V., & Gutiérrez Aguilar, R. (2018). Women Rising in Defense of Life. (D. Paley, Trans.). NACLA Report on the Americas, 50(4), 364–368. 208 Perspectives Gutiérrez Aguilar, R. (2018). Women’s Struggle Against All Violence in Mexico: Gathering Fragments to Find Meaning. (L. Mason-Deese, Trans.). South Atlantic Quarterly, 117(3), 670–681. Haraway, D. (1991). Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. New York: Routledge. Mason-Deese, L. (2018). From #MeToo to #WeStrike: A Politics in Feminine. Viewpoint Magazine. Retrieved from https://www.viewpointmag.com/2018/03/07/metoowestrike-politics-feminine/ Menéndez Díaz, M. (2018). March 8: Between the Event and the Webs. (L. Mason-Deese, Trans.). South Atlantic Quarterly, 117(3), 692–698. Ni Una Menos Collective. (2018). Daughters of the Strike. Retrieved from https://www. versobooks.com/blogs/3792-daughters-of-the-strike-a-may-day-statement Paley, D. (2016). La guerra en México: contrainsurgencia ampliada versus lo popular. El Apantle, Revista de Estudios Comunitarios, 2, 181–197. Precarias a la deriva. (2004). A La Deriva Por Los Circuitos de La Precariedad Femenina: Precarias a La Deriva. Madrid: Traficantes de Sueños. Rivera Cusicanqui, S. (2018). Un mundo ch’ixi es posible. Ensayos desde un presente en crisis. Buenos Aires: Tinta Limón. Rolnik, S. (2019). Esferas de la insurrección. Apuntes para descolonizar el inconsciente. Buenos Aires: Tinta Limón. Tzul, G. (2018). Rebuilding Communal Life. (D. Paley, Trans.). NACLA Report on the Americas, 50(4), 404–407. 209 Criteria Ratings Pts Clarity 30 to > 26.0 pts 26 to >23.0 pts 23 to >20.0 pts 20 to >17.0 pts 17 to >0 pts Excellent Very Good Good Needs Work Poor Excellent essay is Clear answer Answer is Answer is Answer well-organized, that is well- partly clear, unclear, though unclear, clearly responding developed with under- with some poor grasp to the prompt, and minor gaps in developed in understanding, on material; presents a strong analysis. reply. under- not well analysis. developed in supported reply. or developed 30 pts Application 40 to >35.0 pts 35 to >31.0 pts 31 to >27.0 pts of Excellent Very Good Good materials Course Course Course concepts and concepts and concepts and materials materials are materials are clearly used to used well to unevenly used develop support answer, to develop analysis, clearly analysis, showing demonstrating showing some excellent understanding gaps in understanding of material with understanding of concepts minor gaps. of material and terms. 27 to >23.0 pts 23 to >0 pts Needs Work Poor Course Little to no concepts and use of course materials are materials and incompletely concepts used, showing showing poor gaps in basic understanding understanding of materials. of materials. 40 pts Analysis 40 to >35.0 pts 35 to >31.0 pts 31 to >27.0 pts 27 to >23.0 pts 23 to >0 pts Excellent Very Good Good Needs Work Poor Essay presents Essay presents Essay presents Essay analysis Essay is an excellent a clear analysis a clear though is unclear or unclear and analysis of of material that underdeveloped hard to follow lacks a clear material that is is well analysis of with significant analysis of the well supported supported and material that is gaps in both material. and developed developed, with unevenly understanding Answer some minor supported and and summarizes gaps in the developed argumentation materials and overall Over reliance Answer ideas, but argument on summary of summarizes does not materials, materials and present them rather than ideas, but does in a way that developing a not use them to demonstrates clear analysis. develop a clear analytical argument understanding of material. 40 pts Grammar & Mechanics 20 to >17.0 pts Excellent Few to no grammatical errors or awkward sentence constructions. 17 to >15.0 pts 15 to >13.0 pts 13 to >11.0 pts 11 to >0 pts Very Good Good Needs Work Poor A few minor Numerous Numerous Numerous grammatical minor grammatical grammatical mistakes grammatical mistakes mistakes and/or mistakes and/or and/or awkward and/or awkward awkward sentence awkward sentence sentence constructions sentence constructions constructions that do not constructions that that significantly that do not significantly significantly detract from significantly detract from detract from the readability detract from the readability the readability of the work. the readability of the work. of the work. of the work. Errors show little attention to editing and proof-reading work prior to submission 20 pts